Gramsci Bibliography: 2005

Below is a list of the publications related to Gramsci from 2005 that were not included in the IGS Newsletter.

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English 2005

Balakrishnan, Gopal. “Future Unknown.” New Left Review, no. 32 (2005): 5-21.

Abstract:To which thinkers should we turn in a bid to ground a new conceptualization of political agency-or to determine whether such a move has been nullified by the transformations of the last decades? Gopal Balakrishnan on Machiavelli's parables of innovation and readings of him from Rousseau to Schmitt, Strauss to Gramsci. The Florentine as strategist of beginning anew, in the context of historic defeat. [http://www.newleftreview.net/NLR26601.shtml]

Bieler, Andreas, and Adam David Morton. “Introduction: International Relations as Political Theory.” Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy, vol. 8, no. 4 (2005): 383-93. [Introduction to the special issue of CRISPP: “Images of Gramsci.”]

Bieler, Andreas. “Class Struggle over the Eu Model of Capitalism: Neo-Gramscian Perspectives and the Analysis of European Integration.” Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy, vol. 8, no. 4 (2005): 513-26. [Special issue of CRISPP: “Images of Gramsci.”]

Abstract: This essay provides a critical engagement with neo-Gramscian perspectives on European integration, dealing with their core theoretical assumptions as well as empirical analyses of individual aspects of European integration. It is argued that by drawing on Gramsci's rejection of economic determinism, his thinking on the agency-structure problem, as well as his work on how to conceptualise the role of ideas, neo-Gramscian perspectives as a critical theory are able to analyse the social purpose of European integration. The conclusion identifies several shortcomings in the neo-Gramscian literature on European integration, namely (1) the neglect of national and European institutions and their structural impact on social forces as main collective actors; (2) the related oversight of possibilities for change within the existing institutional structure; (3) the neglect of studying resistance to neo-liberal restructuring in Europe; and (4) the missing analysis of trade unions and labour as potential actors within movements of resistance.

Bond, Patrick. “Gramsci, Polanyi and Impressions from Africa on the Social Forum Phenomenon.” International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, vol. 29, no. 2 (2005): 433-40.

Bruff, Ian. “Making Sense of the Globalisation Debate When Engaging in Political Economy Analysis”. British Journal of Politics & International Relations, vol. 7, no. 2 (2005): 261-80. [Link].

This article assesses various contributions to the globalisation debate. It takes as its basis the split in the political economy literature between three ‘waves’ of analysis, and provides an overview of each in the first part of the article. A progression towards a more sophisticated understanding of ‘globalisation’ has taken place with the emergence of each wave, with the third wave representing the most refined account. The second section suggests neo-Gramscian theory can overcome the shortcomings of the otherwise praiseworthy third wave. In particular, the work of Stuart Hall is presented as appropriate for the study of globalisation, and political economy in general. The article concludes by calling for greater cross-pollination of ideas between the various critical theories of political economy.

Chattopadhyay, Swati, and Bhaskar Sarkar (eds.), Postcolonial Studies: Culture, Politics, Economy, Volume 8, Number 4 (November 2005). [This is a special issue of the journal Postcolonial Studies on the topic of "the subaltern and the popular."]

Contents

1. Swati Chattopadhyay and Bhaskar Sarkar, "Introduction: The subaltern and the popular," pp. 357-363
2. José Rabasa "The comparative frame in subaltern studies," pp. 365 - 380
3. Walter D. Mignolo, "On subalterns and other agencies," pp. 381 - 407
4. Gyanendra Pandey, "Notions of community: popular and subaltern," pp. 409 - 419
5. David Lloyd, "The subaltern in motion: subalternity, the popular and Irish working class history," pp. 421 - 437
6. Sudipta Sen, "Retribution in the subaltern mirror: popular reckonings of justice, and the figure of the Qazi in medieval and precolonial Bengall," pp. 439 - 458
7. Bishnupriya Ghosh, "The subaltern at the edge of the popular," pp. 459 - 474
8. Gayatri Chakravorty Spiva "Scattered speculations on the subaltern and the popular," pp. 475-486

Cutler, A. Claire. “Gramsci, Law, and the Culture of Global Capitalism.” Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy, vol. 8, no. 4 (2005): 527-42. [Special issue of CRISPP: “Images of Gramsci.”]

Abstract: This essay draws upon Gramsci’s understandings of law and of the philosophy of praxis to develop a critical analysis of international law in the constitution and potential revolutionary transformation of the contemporary global political economy. The analysis illustrates the analytical utility of Gramscian conceptions of historical bloc and hegemony in capturing the significance of international law as an effective historical force. It also extends these conceptions, theoretically, by arguing that the global political economy is undergoing a process of juridification in which a commodified legal form provides the template for economic and political regulation. The commodity form theory of law is presented as the key to understanding the significance of international law under the culture of global capitalism.

Davidson, Alastair. "Gramsci, Hegemony and Globalisation." Kasarinlan: Philippine Journal of Third World Studies, vol. 20, no. 2 (2005): 4-37. [Link to journal].

Abstract: Gramsci's point that battles are won and lost on the terrain of ideology is a much earlier and more complex explanation of the mediations between objective economic and social conditions and politics. It accounts generally for the fact that the continuation of contradiction--as must ever be the case under capitalism--and the worsening conditions for the majority of the world's population do not mean the emergence of a political opposition to capitalism. It remains to be seen whether the new nationalism and its closed borders, which keep such migrants at home with their contradictions, will foster conditions for the constitution of new collective working-class consciousness. Global capitalism fixes class relations in an impure state--a pure duality of capitalists and proletariat never develops anywhere. This means that any socialist transformation requires the building of a cross-class alliance of majorities on national-popular bases, rather than class. Therefore, that hegemony, which permits new ideas to become social forces, has to win out over the old hegemony in an organisational "war of position."

Day, Richard J. F. Gramsci is Dead: Anarchist Currents in the Newest Social Movements. (London; Ann Arbor, MI: Pluto Press, 2005). [i.s.b.n.: 0745321135 (hbk.). 0745321127 (pbk.)].

Femia, Joseph. “Gramsci, Machiavelli and International Relations.” Political Quarterly, vol. 76, no. 3 (2005): 341-49.

Fontana, Benedetto. “The Democratic Philosopher: Rhetoric as Hegemony in Gramsci.” Italian Culture, vol. 23, no. 1 (2005): 97-124.

Abstract: This essay argues that the concept of hegemony in gramsci recapitulates and summarizes in Western thought the perennial argument between philosophy and rhetoric, knowledge and politics, and dialectic and power. These dichotomies hark back to Plato’s critique of sophists such as Gorgias, Protagoras, and Thrasymachus. Plato attempted to undermine the rational and theoretical bases of rhetoric in order to establish the supremacy of philosophy over politics, as well as the supremacy of dialectical speech over rhetorical speech. The essay further argues that this antinomy is inherent in Gramsci’s hegemony, which represents an attempt to reconcile the demands of philosophy with the requirements of political action.

Finocchiaro, Maurice A. Arguments About Arguments: Systematic, Critical, and Historical Essays in Logical Theory. (Cambridge, UK ; New York, NY: Cambridge University Press, 2005). [i.s.b.n.: 0521853273 (hbk). 0521618533 (pbk.)]. [Chapter 12 of this book is entitled “Logic, politics, and Gramsci.”]

Finocchiaro, Maurice A. “Gramsci, the First World War, and the Problem of Politics Vs Religion Vs Economics in War.” Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy, vol. 8, no. 4 (2005): 407-19. [Special issue of CRISPP: “Images of Gramsci.”]

Abstract: This essay examines Gramsci’s writings about the First World War, primarily his immediate reflections in 1914?1918, but also relevant prison notes (1926?1937). The most striking feature of his attitude during the war years is ‘Germanophilia’, a label I adapt from Croce, whose writings on the Great War also exhibited this attitude. A key common motivation was that political conflicts should not be turned into religious ones in which one portrays the enemy as an evil to be annihilated. But they also had other divergent motivations. Another striking feature of Gramsci’s writings during the war years was his opposition to economic measures against Germany. He seemed to suggest that a military conflict should not be automatically expanded to include an economic war, conflating politics and economics. But later in prison he theorised that modern wars tend to be wars of position, in which military operations and industrial production are vitally connected.

Fischman, Gustavo E., and Peter McLaren. “Rethinking Critical Pedagogy and the Gramscian and Freirean Legacies: From Organic to Committed Intellectuals or Critical Pedagogy, Commitment, and Praxis.” Cultural Studies <=> Critical Methodologies, vol. 5, no. 4 (2005): 425-46. [journal: website. article: on-line.]

Abstract: Critical pedagogy problematizes the relationship between education and politics, between sociopolitical relations and pedagogical practices, between the reproduction of dependent hierarchies of power and privilege in the domain of everyday social life and that of classrooms and institutions. In doing so, it advances an agenda for educational transformation by encouraging educators to understand the sociopolitical contexts of educative acts and the importance of radically democratizing both educational sites and larger social formations. In such processes, educators take on intellectual roles by adapting to, resisting, and challenging curriculum, school policy, educational philosophies, and pedagogical traditions. This article revisits the contributions of Antonio Gramsci and Paulo Freire to critical pedagogy, giving particular attention to the related concepts of hegemony and the intellectual.

Gran, Peter. “Egypt and Italy, 1760-1850: Toward a Comparative History,” in Society and Economy in Egypt and the Eastern Mediterranean,1600-1900, edited by Nelly Hanna and Raouf Abbas (Cairo: American University in Cairo Press, 2005), [i.s.b.n.: 9774249372], Chapter Two.

Ives, Peter. “Language, Agency and Hegemony: A Gramscian Response to Post-Marxism.” Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy, vol. 8, no. 4 (2005). [Special issue of CRISPP: “Images of Gramsci.”]

Abstract: Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe have attempted to save the concept of ‘hegemony’ from its economistic and essentialist Marxist roots by incorporating the linguistic influences of post-structuralist theory. Their major Marxist detractors criticise their trajectory as a ‘descent into discourse,’ a decay from well-grounded, material reality into the idealistic and problematic realm of language and discourse. Both sides of the debate seem to agree on one thing: the line from Marxism to post-Marxism is the line from the economy to language, from ‘reality’ to discourse. This article focuses on Gramsci’s writings on language to argue against both sides of this debate. It illustrates how language is central to Gramsci’s historical materialism and that he does not oppose it to materiality. It argues that Gramsci adopted the very term hegemony substantially from his university studies in linguistics, the debates from which Ferdinand de Saussure also developed structuralism. For Gramsci, such linguistic issues were directly related to the ‘questione della lingua’ and Italian unification. Moreover, language lies at the centre of Gramsci’s understanding of the relationship between coercion and consent. This not only troubles Laclau & Mouffe’s reading of Gramsci, but it illuminates a more productive conception of hegemony that can address recent debates around post-structuralism and the use of ‘hegemony’ to analyse globalisation and an increasingly technological and electronic world.

Jessop, Bob. “Gramsci as a Spatial Theorist.” Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy, vol. 8, no. 4 (2005): 421-37. [Special issue of CRISPP: “Images of Gramsci.”]

Abstract: Antonio Gramsci’s philosophy of praxis is characterised by the spatialisation as well as historicisation of its analytical categories. These theoretical practices are deeply intertwined in his ‘absolute historicism’. Highlighting the spatiality of Gramsci’s analysis not only enables us to recover the many geographical themes in his work but also provides a useful counterweight to the emphasis on the historical dimensions of his historicism. In addition to obvious references to Gramsci’s use of spatial metaphors and his discussion of the Southern Question, it is shown that many of his key concepts are best interpreted from a spatio-temporal as well as social and material perspective. After introducing the concepts of space, place and scale, the essay shows that all three are relevant to Gramsci’s analyses of issues such as language, the historical significance of the Catholic Church, the role of intellectuals, cosmopolitanism, class and class struggle, Americanism and Fordism, the nature of the Italian state, the social bases of state power, Jacobinism, passive revolution and hegemony. The essay concludes that Gramsci’s interest in place, space and scale was not merely academic but had to do with his analysis of revolutionary conjunctures.

Kebede, AlemSeghed. "Grassroots Environmental Organizations in the United States: A Gramscian Analysis." Sociological Inquiry, vol. 75, no. 1 (2005): 81-129.

Abstract: This study is based Gramsci's notion of hegemony with analysis of grassroots environmental justice organizations in the United States (GEJOs). From a Gramscian perspective, social movements are creative reactions to contracting hegemony. To the extent that it provides room for the existence of collective actions, hegemony is expansive; yet, because it is not total, the condition for the existence of counter-hegemonies that call to question its "essentials" also exists. The case of GEJOs that deal with first-order quality of life issues falls within the province of the latter dynamics. GEJOs deal with an issue limited in scope, viz., environmental crisis; however, their movement participants have contested the multiple dimensions of existing hegemony. These organizations, as total counter-hegemonies, have challenged the political, economic, intellectual, and cultural orders of the American society.

Lauri-Lucente, G. “Gramsci, Freire, and Transformative Education.” Journal of Mediterranean Studies, vol. 15, no. 1 (2005): 167-76.

Mayo, Peter. “‘In and against the State:’Gramsci, War of Position, and Adult Education.” Journal for Critical Education Policy Studies, vol. 3, no. 2 (2005). [article: on-line]

This paper focuses on the way a state-funded university, as an important institution of civil society, consolidates existing hegemonic arrangements and, at the same time, offers spaces wherein these arrangements can be contested. Using ethnographic data culled from structured and semi-structured interviews as well as other appropriate documentation, the author highlights some of the challenges and contradictions of a university-based workers' education institute advocating for social change "in and against the state." The key concept from Gramsci that reverberates throughout the essay is that of "war of position."

Morton, Adam David. “A Double Reading of Gramsci: Beyond the Logic of Contingency.” Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy, vol. 8, no. 4 (2005): 439-53. [Special issue of CRISPP: “Images of Gramsci.”]

Abstract: In criticising the Italian idealist philosopher Benedetto Croce ? described by Eric Hobsbawm as the first ‘post-Marxist’ ? Antonio Gramsci elaborated a distinct theory of history. For Gramsci, philosophers such as Croce developed a subjective account of history based on the progression of philosophical thought rather than problems posed by historical development. This essay develops a ‘double reading’ of Gramsci. First, it presents an overview of a dominant post-Marxist reading of Gramsci’s approach to historical materialism, which constructs a closed and particularistic understanding of his theory of history. Second, it offers a reading that exposes and unsettles problems within post-Marxism by demonstrating how Gramsci’s focus on changes in social relations threatens the assumptions about both traditional idealism and materialism. It is this theory of history that throws into relief certain features necessary to understanding history as more than just a completely contingent system of articulatory practices. The method of a double reading therefore affords insight into the internal tensions and questionable assumptions of history understood as an association of discourses (first reading). It also avoids developing an account that relies on an ‘extrinsic history’ of objective forces by combining an appreciation of ethico-political principles alongside economic factors within the struggle over hegemony relevant to contemporary global political economy (second reading).

Napolitano, Giorgio. “Sraffa and Gramsci: A Recollection.” Review of Political Economy, vol. 17, no. 3 (2005): 407-12.

Nederveen Pieterse, Jan. “Metamorphoses of Power: From Coercion to Cooperation?” Asian Journal of Social Science, vol. 33 (2005): 4-22. [Link to PDF].

Abstract: In probing metamorphoses of power and changing understandings of power, this treatment examines the question of whether there is a general trend from coercive towards cooperative and consensual forms of power over time. This reflection unpacks power in its various dimensions, considers the contributions of Gramsci and Foucault, and then examines the hypothesis of a growing trend towards cooperative forms of power in domestic politics and civil society, and in international politics.

Pasha, Mustapha Kamal. “Islam, ‘Soft’ Orientalism and Hegemony: A Gramscian Rereading.” Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy, vol. 8, no. 4 (2005): 543-58. [Special issue of CRISPP: “Images of Gramsci.”]

Abstract: The neo-Gramscian framework offers one of the more innovative contributions to a discipline long embedded in the self-same verities of behaviouralism, positivism and neo-Realism. As with conventional wisdom, however, neo-Gramscians reproduce either assumptions of liberal neutrality or cultural thickness in relation to the ‘peripheral zones’ of the global political economy. These tendencies produce a variant that can be likened to ‘soft Orientalism’. In the first instance, cultural difference is not much of an impediment to the establishment of (West-centred) global hegemony. In the second instance, otherness becomes the principal source of counter-hegemonic movements or resistance. This article provides a Gramscian rereading of these antinomies in relation to the apparent consolidation of a natural attitude towards Islam in the wake of recent dramatic events.

Pratt, Nicola. “Identity, Culture and Democratization: The Case of Egypt.” New Political Science, vol. 27 (2005): 69-86. [Link to Ingenta ].

Abstract: This article seeks to present an alternative approach to understanding the failure of democratization in the Arab world by locating the problem of democracy-building within the logic of the process of reproducing national identity and culture. The conceptual framework draws on the writings of Antonio Gramsci and postcolonial theorists such as Edward Said. Taking Egypt as a case study, I examine a series of events surrounding a human rights report about police brutality in Egypt to illustrate how the struggle to reproduce Egyptian national identity impacts upon the practice of democracy. In the course of searching for an "authentic" Egyptian identity, uncorrupted by Western influences, a critical mass of Egyptian civil society participates in producing a political consensus in which civil and political freedoms may be legitimately sacrificed in the name of national unity and security. This is despite attempts by some Egyptian activists to challenge dominant conceptions of national identity and culture in order to open up democratic spaces.

Pringle, Richard. “Masculinities, Sport, and Power - a Critical Comparison of Gramscian and Foucauldian Inspired Theoretical Tools.” Journal of Sport & Social Issues, vol. 29, no. 3 (2005): 256-78.

Abstract: Although feminists have increasingly found Foucauldian theorising effective for examining issues associated with female sport and exercise contexts, the Gramscian-inspired concept of masculine hegemony remains dominant in masculinities research. This article compares and contrasts the theoretical tools stemming from the writings of Gramsci and Foucault with respect to their use for examining sport and masculinities. It is argued that it is troublesome to combine Foucauldian and Gramscian concepts without acknowledging fundamental theoretical differences. Questions of concern are also discussed with respect to how the concept of hegemonic masculinity has been used in studies of sport and masculinities. It is suggested that the concept of masculine hegemony does not simply refer to a dominant form of masculinity but is underpinned by particular understandings of power that some may find problematic. The conclusion discusses how Foucauldian theorising could be advantageous for future examinations of sport and masculinities.

Robinson, Andrew. “Towards an Intellectual Reformation: The Critique of Common Sense and the Forgotten Revolutionary Project of Gramscian Theory.” Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy, vol. 8, no. 4 (2005): 469-81. [Special issue of CRISPP: “Images of Gramsci.”]

Abstract: This article examines Gramsci’s theory of common sense and the implications of this theory for understanding social transformation and theorising political activity. Gramsci analyses common sense as a pervasive, though confused and contradictory, variety of ideology. For Gramsci the point is to challenge and question this pervasive ideology and its incoherence, confusion, passivity, and political conservatism. The task is to involve the construction of a new conception of the world, in opposition to existing belief-systems, and what he terms an ‘intellectual and moral reformation’. By transforming modes of thinking and acting, such a transformation is conceived as revolutionising political possibilities, altering the potentialities inherent in a conjuncture. This approach of Gramsci’s dovetails with revolutionary and radical political movements, suggesting a more fundamental challenge to capitalism and a forgotten but very energetic potential project of revolutionary transformation.

Robinson, William I. “Gramsci and Globalisation: From Nation-State to Transnational Hegemony.” Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy, vol. 8, no. 4 (2005): 559-74. [Special issue of CRISPP: “Images of Gramsci.”]

Abstract: This essay explores the matter of hegemony in the global system from the standpoint of global capitalism theory, in contrast to extant approaches that analyse this phenomenon from the standpoint of the nation-state and the inter-state system. It advances a conception of global hegemony in transnational social terms, linking the process of globalisation to the construction of hegemonies and counter-hegemonies in the twenty-first century. An emergent global capitalist historical bloc, lead by a transnational capitalist class, rather than a particular nation-state, bloc of states, or region, is pursuing a hegemonic project. The US state is seen as the point of condensation for pressures from dominant groups to resolve problems of global capitalism. US-led militarisation is a contradictory political-military response to the crisis of global capitalism, characterised by economic stagnation, legitimacy problems and the rise of counter-hegemonic forces.

Rupert, Mark. “Reading Gramsci in an Era of Globalising Capitalism.” Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy, vol. 8, no. 4 (2005): 483-97. [Special issue of CRISPP: “Images of Gramsci.”]

Abstract: It is possible to read Gramsci and through him, the tradition of historical materialism in such a way that we are enabled to realise a potentially transformative politics of solidarity in a world where capitalist relations are extending and deepening, but which is nonetheless plural. A Gramscian-inflected historical materialism enables an understanding of globalising capitalism, its relations of power and structures of governance, as the product of struggles at once material and ideological among concretely situated social agents. When viewed in terms of a dialectical reading of Gramsci, these struggles may be seen as reassertions of situated knowledges and process-based understandings of social reality, antithetical to the abstract individualism residing in capitalism’s core, and embodying possibilities for critical engagement, dialogue, and transformative politics in an era of globalising capitalism.

Sassoon, Anne Showstack. “Gramsci and the Secret of Father Brown.” Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy, vol. 8, no. 4 (2005): 395-405. [Special issue of CRISPP: “Images of Gramsci.”]

Abstract: This article examines major methodological issues in Gramsci’s writings that are relevant for re-thinking contemporary political relationships, by considering his use of the ‘particular’. It draws on Gramsci’s notes on Chesterton’s Father Brown stories, including his contrast between ‘old’ Catholic Europe and ‘new’ Protestant, positivist America, and discusses Gramsci’s critique of positivism and populism with reference to his writings on the palaeontologist Cuvier and the criminologist Cesare Lombroso. It links Gramsci’s use of details and fragments from diverse sources, Father Brown’s methods, and the practice of psychoanalysis. Gramsci’s criticism of Conan Doyle is contrasted with Freud’s admiration for him. It examines the tensions involved in interrogating seemingly unimportant, ‘everyday’ material and in engaging with the innate conservatism of popular ‘common sense’ beliefs, whose ‘good sense’ is nonetheless the necessary point of departure for mass politics. At the same time it argues that in addressing major social and political issues, the ‘general’, universal or hegemonic cannot be derived from the ‘particular’. It connects these themes to contemporary questions about the status and objectives of different kinds of knowledge and the split between politics and people. It suggests that Gramsci’s aim to go beyond the dichotomy between rationalism and irrationalism has profound implications both for understanding his writings and for their use in contemporary political analysis.

Saul, J. S., and R. Saunders. “Mugabe, Gramsci, and Zimbabwe at 25.” International Journal, vol. 60, no. 4 (2005): 953-75. [Reprinted, with the title:“Authoritarianism: Mugabe, Gramsci, and Zimbabwe at Twenty-Five” in John Saul, The Next Liberation Struggle: Capitalism, Socialism, And DemocracyIn Southern Africa, Toronto: Between the Lines; Scottsville:University of KwaZulu-Natal Press; New York: Monthly Review Press; London: Merlin, 2005, pp. 129-145]

Smith, Kylie M. "Hegemony: Consensus, Coercion and Culture." Overland, no. 179 (2005): 20-1.

Abstract: The Hegemony Research Group in the Faculty of Arts at the University of Wollongong, Australia held a workshop in late 2004 with invited speakers at which members circulated their work for comments by guest discussants and other members of the group. The concept of hegemony as used by the Italian Communist Antonio Gramsci in his Prison Notebooks and its relevance in current world politics is discussed.

Sutherland, Claire. “Nation-Building through Discourse Theory.” Nations and Nationalism, vol. 11 (2005): 185-202. [Link to Ingenta].

Abstract: The article sets out to demonstrate the value of discourse theory for studying nationalism as an ideology. It looks at the debate surrounding the concept of discourse and its manifold meanings before examining Laclau and Mouffe's discourse theory, with particular reference to the concept of hegemony and the influence of Gramsci on their work. This leads to a discussion of the relevance of discourse theory to a study of nationalist ideology, especially the antagonistic dynamic between nation-state and minority nationalisms. Not only does discourse theory serve to embed the omnipresence of ideology within a useful hierarchy of mega and micro discourse, but it also provides a conceptual toolbox for analysing nationalist ideology at the empirical level.

van der Pijl, Kees. “Gramsci and Left Managerialism.” Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy, vol. 8, no. 4 (2005): 499-511. [Special issue of CRISPP: “Images of Gramsci.”]

Abstract: This essay argues that one way of understanding Gramsci today is as an organic intellectual of a class of managerial cadre which develops in advanced capitalism. With the growth of monopolistic structures and a deepening state role in capitalist society, a separate class of mediating functionaries emerges, entrusted with managerial tasks in running the economy and the state. The problems of conquering power from the perspective of this ‘new middle class’ that concerned Gramsci, were also those of the neo-Machiavellian thinkers, Mosca, Michels, Pareto and Sorel around the turn of the twentieth century. From opposed political angles, they and Gramsci shared the concern with occupying the centre ground and mediate the extremes in a complex society. Today’s Gramscianism appeals to the same set of concerns.

Woost, Michael D. “Gramsci, Culture and Anthropology.” Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, vol. 11, no. 1 (2005): 162-63.

Arabic 2005

Darraj, Feisal. “Antonio Gramsci and Edward Said: Two Different Problematics.” Alif: A Journal of Comparative Poetics, no. 25 (2005). [journal web site] [Arabic.] [Examines the intellectual debt owed by Said to Gramsci and the concept of “hegemony”.]

GERMAN

Bernhard, Armin. Gramscis Politische Paedagogik. Grundrisse eines praxisphilosophischen Erziehungs- und Bildungsmodells. Argument Verlag, 2005. [ISBN: 3-88619-351-9].

Japanese 2005

La Città Futura, Tokyo Gramsci Society Bulletin No. 35 (November 2005)

1. Chiara Meta, “Summing up of the symposium of the Gramscian concept of hegemony,” translated by Koichi Ohara.
2. Nicola Badaloni, “Sraffa on Gramsci” (Part 2), translated by Koichi Ohara.
3. Hiroshi Matsuda, Book Review of Tadao Uemura, Gramsci and His Reflections in Prison.

La Città Futura, Tokyo Gramsci Society Bulletin No. 34 (July 2005)

1. Shigeki Maruyama, “Develop of Worker’s Collective Movement in Japan: An attempt of Transformation of the Regional Communities through Worker’s Autonomy.”
2. Nobuaki Kurosawa, “Combining the Proletariat and ‘Philosophy:’ Reflections on the book Introduction to Marx by Hitoshi Imamura.”
3. Tadashi Suzuki, “Researching the Postwar Spirit.”
4. Junichi Tanimoto, “An Inquiry of Gramscian Thoughts: the Possibility of Civil Hegemony.” (TGS Research Group of the Critical Edition of the Prison Notebooks).
5. Nicola Badaloni, “Sraffa on Gramsci” (Part 1), Translated by Koichi Ohara.

Portuguese 2005

Del Roio, Marcos. Os prismas de Gramsci: a fórmula política da frente única (1919-1926). São Paulo: Xamâ, 2005. [i.s.b.n.: 8575870416]

Abstract: Neste livro, Marcos Del Roio analisa a atividade político-teórica de Gramsci antes de seu encarceramento destacando a continuidade plena entre a ação política e a reflexão filosófica de Gramsci. Trata-se de uma contribuição significativa para a compreensão da teoria política de Gramsci e para a discussão sobre a atualidade da fórmula política da frente única. Além do mais, Del Roio chama atenção para a historicidade necessária à obra gramsciana, resgatando essa historicidade de forma polêmica tanto no campo aberto do marxismo como na análise do processo de transformação histórica. Apesar de polêmico em muitos momentos, trata-se de um livro obrigatório para os que afirmam a possibilidade de construir uma nova sociabilidade, uma nova democracia: a dos trabalhadores.

Spanish 2005

Santucci, A. A. Gramsci, trans. G. Baldi & J. Massardo. Santiago de Chile: LOM, 2005.

Mayo, Peter. “Antonio Gramsci Y Paulo Freire. Algunas Connexiones Y Contrastes.” Dialogos, Educación y formación de personas adultas, vol. XI, no. 41 (2005): 15-31.