Gramsci Bibliography: 2026

Below is a list of recent publications related to Gramsci that have been sent to us or brought to our attention by members of the International Gramsci Society. We update the page as new information becomes available. Previous bibliographies to the year 2004 are linked below, and bibliographies from 1992-2005 are included in the archived issues of the IGS Newsletter under the heading “Gramsci Bibliography: Recent Publications.”

In addition to this site, Fondazione Istituto Gramsci in Rome hosts the comprehensive and searchable Bibliografia Gramsciana, which contains over 23,000 publication listings related to Gramsci.

To include a publication on this page, please send bibliographic information (in MLA format) to Marcus E. Green.

Year: 2026 | 2025 | 2024 | 2023 | 2022 | 2021 | 2020 | 2019 | 2018 | 2017 | 2016 | 2015 | 2014 | 2013 | 2012 | 2011 | 2010 | 2009 | 2008 | 2007 | 2006 | 2005 | 2004

Last update: August 14, 2026

English

Baiduri, Ratih, et al. “The Stigmatization of Female Oukup and Kusuk Therapists in the Health and Wellness Tourism Industry: A Critical Study of Gramscian Hegemony.” Cogent Arts & Humanities, vol. 13, no. 1, 2026, pp. 1–18. doi: 10.1080/23311983.2026.2620836.

Abstract: This study explores the stigmatization of female oukup and kusuk therapists through the perspective of Gramsci’s hegemony in the health and wellness tourism industry in North Sumatra, Indonesia. Six therapists participated in in-depth interviews, supported by field observations. Data were analyzed phenomenologically and thematically. The study reveals that most therapists enter the profession due to limited educational and economic opportunities. Working conditions are marked by long hours, informal labor structures and blurred boundaries between domestic and professional spaces. Despite widespread public stigma (including accusations of immoral conduct) the therapists deploy subtle forms of resistance. These include performing professionalism, negotiating with family prejudice, and reclaiming dignity through everyday acts of care and ethical labor. Results can inform policies for legal protection, professional training, and certification to strengthen legitimacy, reduce stigma and improve working conditions, contributing to sustainable wellness tourism. Challenging stigma requires public education, community engagement and policy reform to protect vulnerable female workers. Recognizing their agency and cultural contributions can promote gender equity and preserve traditional health practices. The findings suggest that oukup and kusuk function as a contested site where gender and cultural politics intersect. This profession reflects subaltern tensions and female therapists’ micro-level resistance to dominant narratives.

Baratta, Giorgio. “Dizionario gramsciano / Gramsci Dictionary: Fordismo.” International Gramsci Journal, translated by Derek Boothmann, vol. 6, no. 3, 2026. url: https://journals.uniurb.it/index.php/igj/article/view/5972.

Biagi, Francesco. “Review of Gramsci and the Political Subject: Subalternity, Autonomy, Hegemony by Massimo Modonesi: Gramsci y El Sujeto Político. Subalternidad, Autonomía, Hegemonía, Mexico City, Akal, 2023, 192 Pp., €18, ISBN-13: 978-6078898190.” International Critical Thought, vol. 16, no. 2, 2026, pp. 317–25. doi: 10.1080/21598282.2026.2659067.

Abstract: This review examines Massimo Modonesi’s Gramsci and the Political Subject: Subalternity, Autonomy, Hegemony which, published in Italian in 2023, offers a compelling interpretation of the complex and protracted formation of collective will in struggle from Antonio Gramsci’s viewpoint. This work provides an alternative framework for understanding social conflict that challenges the methodological individualism dominating studies of collective action. It stands as a valuable theoretical reference for political sociology and the sociology of social movements, grounded in the enduring vitality of Marxist thought. With a four-chapter structure, the book traces the historical evolution of Gramsci’s central concepts—subalternity, autonomy, and hegemony. By weaving these notions together, Modonesi advances a critical theory that illuminates the stages in the process of class subjectivation through struggle. The book’s central thesis is that Gramsci must be read as a theorist of political subjectivation to Marxist revolution, returning to the centrality of the subjective dimension in his philosophy of praxis. For Modonesi, Gramsci is a thinker of class conflict who shows a possible Marxist path to change the world.

Bieler, Andreas. “Dissecting the Polycrisis, Charting the Conceptual Terrain of Enquiry.” Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies, vol. 28, no. 4, 2026, pp. 510–27. doi: 10.1080/19448953.2026.2612669.

Abstract: ‘Polycrisis’ is generally defined as a cluster of distinct, yet interrelated crises which reinforce each other. There is, however, little consensus on its constituent parts. Helleiner, when assessing economic globalization’s polycrisis, includes the US-Chinese trade war, a global health crisis around Covid-19, an international security crisis due to the Ukraine war, an environmental crisis and a crisis of democracy. Re the EU, Nicoli and Zeitlin identify a first polycrisis around the sovereign debt crisis (2009–2016) and the migration crisis (2015–2016) and a second polycrisis brought about by the Covid-19 pandemic (2020–2021) and the Ukraine war (since 2022). They say little, however, about the importance of either or their interrelations. In this paper, I explore how we can distinguish between fundamental crises on one hand, and crises, which are simply the concrete manifestations of those deeper, structural crises on the other. Through a Marxist focus on the historical specificity of capitalism and its interrelations with patriarchy, racism and the relentless expansion into nature, I argue that we can identify four structural crises, i.e., the crises of global capitalism, global gender relations, global race relations and global ecology, all internally related and reinforcing each other.

Choi, Yong Sub. “Domestic Struggles and Strategic Alignment: A Gramscian Analysis of South Korea’s Participation in the Camp David Joint Statement.” Contemporary Politics, vol. 32, no. 1, 2026, pp. 91–107. doi: 10.1080/13569775.2025.2499281.

Abstract: This article employs a Gramscian framework to analyse South Korea’s alignment with the United States and Japan as demonstrated in the 2023 Camp David Joint Statement. Moving beyond state-centric explanations, this study situates this policy shift within South Korea’s domestic struggles for hegemony, describing how the conservative ruling political group uses foreign policy to consolidate ideological dominance. The Yoon Suk-yeol administration has framed external threats, such as North Korea’s nuclear ambitions and China’s assertiveness, as existential challenges, reinforcing alliances to legitimise its domestic political objectives. This analysis examines the relationships among hegemonic projects, domestic socio-political dynamics, and external pressures and their roles in shaping foreign policy. The article concludes by assessing the risks and implications for this recalibrated trilateral security strategy.

Douet, Yohann, et al. “Introduction [Gramsci in France].” International Gramsci Journal, vol. 6, no. 3, 2026, pp. 3–9. url: https://journals.uniurb.it/index.php/igj/article/view/5970

Farred, Grant. “Gramsci. Durban.” Safundi, vol. 0, no. 0, 2026, pp. 1–3. doi: 10.1080/17533171.2026.2681227.

Fresu, Gianni. Gramsci and the Colonial Question: Sardinia, Subalternity, and the Global South. New York: Routledge, 2026. doi: 10.4324/9781003742760. (ISBN 978-1-003-74276-0).

Abstract: Although Antonio Gramsci is widely known as the theorist of hegemony, his enduring relevance to struggles against colonial oppression across the Global South reveals a deeper, often overlooked dimension of his thought. With this book, Gianni Fresu explores Gramsci’s formative experiences in Sardinia, a peripheral, peasant island marked by internal colonialism, and shows how these shaped his vision of human emancipation as both a continuation and critique of bourgeois universalism. Through a rigorous engagement with Gramsci’s writings, Fresu reexamines key categories of Marxist theory, situating them within the socio-political contradictions of Sardinia and the broader Italian national formation. He argues that Gramsci’s philosophy of praxis, conceived as absolute historicism, offers a powerful framework for understanding the dialectic between civil and political society, liberalism and socialism, and the transformation of modern power structures. Divided into three interrelated sections (the Colonial Question, the Liberal Question, and Questions of Political Theory) Gramsci and the Colonial Question provides a fresh and interdisciplinary perspective on Gramsci’s legacy. It challenges dominant interpretations that marginalize Sardinian history and offers new insights into the conceptual renewal of Marxism, making it essential reading for scholars in political theory, students of postcolonial studies, Italian history, and Gramscian thought.

Garcia, Albert. “A New Common Sense: Anti-Woke Politics and the Gramscian Battle for Education.” Journal of Political Power, vol. 0, no. 0, 2026, pp. 1–22. doi: 10.1080/2158379X.2026.2681607.

Abstract: This paper examines the rise of anti-woke politics through a Gramscian analysis of how right-wing actors use networks, state power, and ideological discourse to secure coerced consent and reshape public education. By targeting critical perspectives of systemic inequality, anti-woke policies, such as Florida’s HB 7 and SB 266, work to entrench existing hierarchies while suppressing subaltern political agency. The paper outlines the following principles for counter-hegemonic resistance: developing critical consciousness, building cross-group coalitions, and strategically reframing political demands. These strategies illuminate how subaltern communities can contest an evolving reactionary project seeking to preserve forms of domination across U.S. institutions.

Gusejnova, Dina. “Beyond Va Pensiero and the Prison Notebooks. Fernanda Gallo Explains Why Modern Italian Political Thought Can Be Best Understood Through the Reception of Hegel.” History of European Ideas, vol. 0, no. 0, 2026, pp. 1–8. doi: 10.1080/01916599.2026.2631320.

Abstract: The review considers Fernanda Gallo’s Hegel and Italian Political Thought against the background of common conceptions of Italian political thought. It reconstructs how Hegelian philosophy shaped three generations of Italian thinkers during Italy’s unification and modernization (1832-1900). Challenging Anglophone historiography’s focus on Mazzini and Gramsci, Gallo demonstrates how diverse political actors – from Southern revolutionaries to Northern liberals, from Marxists to fascists – drew upon Hegel’s ideas to articulate competing visions of Italian nationhood. Beginning with the surprising Russian origins of Italian Hegelianism through figures like Ottavio Colecchi, the book centers on Naples as the hub of Hegelian thought, examining key mediators including Bertrando Spaventa and Marianna Florenzi Waddington. As I argue, Gallo shows compellingly how Hegel’s philosophy informed not just theoretical debates but practical governance, including Silvio Spaventa’s anti-Camorra policies. By tracing intellectual practices across prisons, parliaments, and private schools, this study reveals the Hegelian foundations underlying modern Italian political traditions – liberal, Marxist, and fascist – and their continued relevance.

Hauser, Michael. “The Way Forward from the Interregnum: The Pedagogy of Truths.” Ethics and Education, vol. 0, no. 0, 2026, pp. 1–15. doi: 10.1080/17449642.2026.2677160.

Abstract: Contemporary political system, culture, and economy are undergoing a profound transition that can be described using Gramsci’s notion of the interregnum. Education is equally caught in this historical interval: its established ideals are fading, while new ones are only beginning to emerge. I analyze this decline through the concepts of expiration, mutation, and bifurcation. Liberal democratic ideals – plurality, diversity, universality, and egalitarianism – do not simply collapse; rather, they mutate and bifurcate into forms such as collective identities, particularism, and inequality. These developments reveal that liberal democratic education is losing its capacity to address the challenges of our time. I then turn to Alain Badiou’s philosophy to show how a ‘pedagogy of truths’ can provide an alternative horizon. By drawing on concepts such as event, truth procedure, and equality, this pedagogy outlines possible ways forward for educational thought and practice.

Jeice, Spencer, and Sudarsan Padmanabhan. “Socio-Political Constitution of the Self in Taylor and Gramsci: A Concern for Education.” International Journal of Lifelong Education, vol. 0, no. 0, 2026, pp. 1–17. doi: 10.1080/02601370.2026.2692380.

Abstract: This article considers the disengaged understanding of the human self as problematic in adult education. This article aims to highlight the significance of the socio-political constitution of the human self in adult and lifelong education. We examine the thoughts of two thinkers with distinct concerns, namely Charles Taylor and Antonio Gramsci, to explore the socio-political constitution of the self and its relevance for lifelong education. In Taylor, we argue that the human self is shaped by the influences of the public sphere and the political realm. In Gramsci, the self is constituted through the hegemonic relations in civil society and political society. Drawing on Taylor and Gramsci, we will argue that the development of humans in the socio-political context is significant in adult education. The complementary aspects of individual and social development are significant for adult education. We will reaffirm the understanding that civil society engagement is a key component of adult and lifelong education. We will argue that distinctively human capacities are formed in sociopolitical contexts. Adult education must sustain, develop and transform societal practices and institutions to form emancipatory human beings.

Kellil, Mountassar-Billah, et al. “Revisiting Gramsci in Algeria: French Cultural Hegemony and the Limits of the Consent/Coercion Binary in La Mise à Nu.” African Identities, vol. 0, no. 0, 2026, pp. 1–20. doi: 10.1080/14725843.2026.2701951.

Abstract: This study presents a post-colonial analysis of Abdelhamid Benhadouga’s La Mise à Nu, set in post-independence Algeria. The novel reflects the lasting influence of French cultural hegemony on Algerian identity, language, and social life. It explores whether this hegemony stemmed from consent, coercion, or a mix of both, while arguing that this binary is insufficient to account for the complexity of postcolonial alignment. The imposition of French, the suppression of Arabic, and the adoption of Western cultural norms illustrate this dynamic. Drawing on selected French excerpts translated using ChatGPT (version 3.5) and manually revised for semantic accuracy, the analysis shows how post-independence Algeria was shaped by colonial force, internalized consent, and overlapping psychological, socio-economic, and cultural pressures structuring apparent choice. It reveals how some Algerians embraced French culture to pursue modernity, while others resisted to reclaim native identity. This tension between tradition and modernity, trauma and national identity, appears in the novel’s hybrid language and behaviors, reflecting uneven and hierarchically structured forms of cultural negotiation. By situating the analysis within the broader historical and ideological legacy of French colonialism, the study highlights the enduring effects of cultural pedagogy that equated Europe with civilization and reconceptualizes postcolonial hegemony as a multi-dimensional process.

Kozhanova, Daria. “The Cosmopolitan Nation in Antonio Gramsci’s Prison Notebooks: Italian Diaspora and National Consciousness.” Italian Culture, vol. 0, no. 0, 2026, pp. 1–22. doi: 10.1080/01614622.2026.2670892.

Abstract: This article examines the previously overlooked significance of Antonio Gramsci’s theorization of cosmopolitanism, proper to Italy’s nation formation, for the critical discourse on the Italian nation and diaspora. It argues that Gramsci’s perspective on Italian cosmopolitanism allows us to better understand the complex relationships between the two categories in both historiographical and theoretical terms and illuminate their definitions, shortcomings, and potentials. The essay approaches Gramsci’s shift from the cosmopolitanism of intellectuals to the modern cosmopolitanism of Italian emigrant workers and their organic intellectuals as a response to the liberal and fascist transnational nationalism that considered the Italian diaspora as an extension of the nation and Italian emigrants as agents of imperialist expansion. By contrast, Gramsci suggests that, given the failed nationalization of the masses, a distinct, cosmopolitan national consciousness of the Italian people can be formed in diaspora. Through the diasporic dimension, Gramsci reconceptualizes the Italian nation as cosmopolitan, constituting a different transnational formation beyond the nation-state, and reclaims modern cosmopolitanism as an alternative Italian national project. Gramsci’s account of cosmopolitanism and his notion of a cosmopolitan nation not only anticipate foundational works in Italian diaspora studies but, most importantly, constitute a crucial conceptual contribution to the field on its own terms.

Kroonenberg, Saskia, and Mauro Puddu. “Written on the Subaltern Body: Gramsci and the Material Politics of Sardinian and Italian Prison Lives.” Cultural Studies, vol. 0, no. 0, 2026, pp. 1–27. doi: 10.1080/09502386.2026.2615901.

Abstract: This article argues for the need to combine written texts with other material sources when studying past subaltern lives. It suggests that much of a person’s life history is inscribed on their body (i.e. their teeth and bones) and objects. Such nonverbal traces are especially vital for reconstructing the historical value of subaltern lives. In his prison notes (Q25), Antonio Gramsci (1891–1937) pointed out that it is hard to collect the histories of the subalterns, as they are scattered, fragmented by the ruling groups. We apply this thought to Gramsci himself in relation to his subaltern contemporaries in Sardinia by integrating multiple material legacies (bodily remains, texts, objects). We thereby wish to situate Gramsci’s suffering within the broader bodily experience of his contemporaries, revealing how the physical symptoms he described may have materialized as skeletal pathologies. While Gramsci is known for his sharp-sighted mind, we know much less of his body. Yet, he lived a life entrenched in and physically marked by colonialism, imprisonment, inequality, child labour, poverty, discrimination and illness. Presumably, his remains are marked by a life of struggle and labour, similarly to the bones of his contemporaries from Sardinia. By combining osteo-biographies (archaeological research on indicators of physiological stress on bones and teeth) of his contemporaries with written knowledge about Gramsci’s symptoms, diet, and material culture in Sardinia and Italian prison, this article reveals an array of different stories about these bodily lives which are as yet untold.

Kuester, Genie. “Gramsci in the Manosphere: James Lindsay, Podcast Discourse, & the Mediation of Political Subjectivity in Young Male Voters.” Journal of Radio & Audio Media, vol. 33, no. 1, 2026, pp. 114–29. doi: 10.1080/19376529.2026.2613720.

Abstract: This study examines James Lindsay’s New Discourses podcast to analyze how long-form audio operates as a site of political persuasion within the manosphere. Drawing on critical discourse analysis, it shows how Lindsay recontextualizes Antonio Gramsci’s theory of cultural hegemony, reframing critical theory as a conspiratorial project aimed at undermining Western culture. This discursive framing redirects attention away from structural power relations and material inequality toward cultural grievance. The analysis highlights how podcasting’s extended, intimate format enables the translation of complex theory into populist narratives, reinforcing ideological polarization within contemporary audio media environments.

Las Heras, Jon. “Dialectics of Dissent in/against Capitalism: From Methodological Positivism to Dialectical Materialism.” Globalizations, vol. 23, no. 3, 2026, pp. 408–27. doi: 10.1080/14747731.2025.2526284.

Abstract: Social transformation is usually conceived as a collective action in which ethically and socially aware individuals engage into political struggle to achieve certain emancipatory objectives. In turn, dissent is understood as a moment of catharsis, of self-awareness that things can be different. However, how free really are these radical practices from the oppressive environment in which they emerge? By developing a dialectical analysis of class struggles in capitalism, I critique contemporary Marxian conceptualizations, in particular Gramscians and autonomists, for fetishizing class struggles and for not locating them within a broader systemic perspective. Notwithstanding the necessity for workers to organize collectively, the fundamental issue resides in asking why concrete struggles are not revolutionary enough. It is only by engaging into radical forms of self-critique that new more encompassing practices will be developed, now incorporating the material practices organized by the capitalist Other.

Liguori, Guido. New Gramscian Paths. New York; London: Routledge, 2026. (ISBN 978-1-040-65177-3). doi: 10.4324/9781003657774

Abstract: Guido Liguori’s book Nuovi sentieri gramsciani is at the cutting edge of Gramscian scholarship. Now available in English, this generous book offers a plenitude: biographical, philological, and interpretative advancements in Antonio Gramsci’s political thought to provide new perspectives on key moments in his life and thought.Grounded in a deep and attentive reading of Gramsci’s works focusing on his pre-prison years, Liguori historically reconstructs and contextualises Gramsci’s ideas within the broader political, social, ideological, and philosophical landscape of his time. This includes Gramsci’s engagement with the Russian Revolution, the “Red Biennium” 1919–1920, the foundation of the Communist Party in Italy, his stay in Moscow in the years of the “New Economic Policy” and his meeting with Lenin; and some of the main aspects of his elaboration (the “Southern Question” in Italy, the interpretation of Machiavelli, and the theme of autonomy of politics within Marxist theory, the concept of “subaltern”).Guido Liguori’s writing style is both accessible and rigorous making New Gramscian Paths suitable not only for specialists but also for a broader audience interested in Gramsci.

McNally, Mark. “Fianna Fáil’s Cross-Class Ideological Strategy since 2011: The Limits of ‘Progressive Republicanism’ and the Very End of One-Party Hegemony.” Irish Political Studies, vol. 0, no. 0, 2026, pp. 1–26. doi: 10.1080/07907184.2026.2653498.

Abstract: This article analyses and evaluates Fianna Fáil’s ‘progressive republican’ cross-class ideological strategy between 2011 and 2024 after the economic crisis and electoral collapse in 2011. Drawing on Antonio Gramsci’s hegemony, it demonstrates how the party reconstructed strategically ‘national-popular’ identity (i.e. republicanism) and ‘common sense’ values (i.e. ‘fairness’) to attempt to rebuild ideologically a cross-class alliance – the historic foundation of its hegemony. Party leader speeches, party literature and policy documents are analysed to show how its ‘progressive republican’ collective identity and core values framed a new programme. It argues that the strategy yielded a partial recovery but ultimately failed at the implementation stage as it was unable and unwilling to transform substantially the structural effects of Fianna Fáil’s previous neoliberal policies. The latter created deep class contradictions and inequalities in housing and health provision for low- and median-income workers. This meant the limited concessions actually implemented post-2020 were ineffective in winning their consent. I thus conclude that the era of Fianna Fáil one-party hegemony is finally over. The article also defends class and ideological analysis in the light of this application maintaining against existing scholarship that it can provide insights into Fianna Fáil and wider Irish party politics.

Medici, Rita. “Dizionario Gramsciano / Gramsci Dictionary: Jacobinism.” International Gramsci Journal, translated by Derek Boothman, vol. 6, no. 3, 2026, pp. 173–79. url: https://journals.uniurb.it/index.php/igj/article/view/5973

Naldi, Nerio. “How Many Books and Notebooks Could Gramsci Keep in His Cell in Turi Prison?” International Gramsci Journal, vol. 6, no. 3, 2026, pp. 221–45. doi: 10.14276/igj.v6i3.4998.

Abstract: This article presents evidence on how many books and notebooks Antonio Gramsci was allowed to keep in his cell – two issues of obvious importance to any research on Gramsci’s biography and writings. The number of books will be considered first. Information collected in this area will then lead the analysis of the number of notebooks he could keep in the cell. Important information will emerge from documents produced during the 1930s by detainees, prison officers or other authorities, but also from a testimony by Gustavo Trombetti which remained virtually unknown for seventy years and by a fresh reading of testimonies by other detainees. In the case of the notebooks, information gathered by the editors of the Quaderni del carcere will also play an important role. What we present is an abridged version of Nuove fonti sul numero di libri e quaderni che Gramsci poteva tenere in cella, but we also put forward new arguments regarding the number of notebooks on which Gramsci seems to have worked during each single month of his detention in Turi, the occasions when his work may have been interrupted by prison authorities and a decision possibly taken by Mussolini in autumn 1932 that could have allowed Gramsci to continue writing his notebooks while the same concession was withdrawn to other political detainees.

Nicholls, Walter J. “Why Now, Why Here: A Conjunctural Theory of Socialist Advance in Big City America.” Urban Geography, vol. 0, no. 0, 2026, pp. 1–23. doi: 10.1080/02723638.2026.2693288.

Abstract: Socialist electoral formations are advancing in large, knowledge-economy American cities while remaining absent from more peripheral economic spaces, and now, rather than two decades ago, when inequality and labor militancy were arguably more acute. This paper explains that uneven geography by operationalizing Gramsci’s distinction between organic and conjunctural conditions for cross-city comparison, charting a course between the universalizing templates of classical Marxism and the descriptive particularism of the ordinary cities tradition. It specifies four conditions whose spatial condensation opens pathways to socialist breakthrough: two organic, the formation of an educationally rich, housing-poor middle class and the agglomeration of a counter-hegemonic civil society; and two conjunctural, the legitimation crisis that permits majoritarian realignment and the institutional veto architecture through which a deposed ruling coalition carves out its own path to minoritarian restoration. Comparing Los Angeles, New York, and Minneapolis, it recasts the uneven spatialities of socialist advance as central to the vocational praxis of critical and radical geographers in the United States.

Patel, Raj. “Counter-Hegemony and Polycrisis I: How to Eat and How to Think.” The Journal of Peasant Studies, vol. 53, no. 2, 2026, pp. 227–58. doi: 10.1080/03066150.2025.2499271.

Abstract: Using Gramscian and Fanonian theories, this paper examines counter-hegemony through two 20th-century movements: Italian mondine (rice weeders) and the Black Panther Party. These movements met crises of social reproduction with collective political action, developed “movement science” to challenge dominant ideologies, and demonstrated tactical flexibility in testing state boundaries. Both movements contested power through embodied practices of care and resistance, turning food provision into political praxis. This comparative study provides a theoretical grounding for understanding contemporary movements facing today’s polycrisis.

Quarta, Luigigiovanni. “Towards a Historicist Anthropology: Gramscian Reflections.” International Gramsci Journal, vol. 6, no. 3, 2026. doi: 10.14276/igj.v6i3.5557.

Abstract: The article reconsiders the relationship between anthropology and the thought of Antonio Gramsci by exploring the possibility of a properly historicist anthropology grounded in the conceptual horizon of the Prison Notebooks. Rather than revisiting the now familiar anthropological uses of notions such as hegemony, the paper shifts attention to a broader epistemological convergence between Gramscian historicism and the anthropological problem of culture. Engaging critically with influential interpretations, including that of Kate Crehan, the article suggests that, although Gramsci’s use of the lexeme “culture” differs from its disciplinary meaning in anthropology, his reflections on history, social relations and ideology open a productive terrain for dialogue. By foregrounding the processual and relational character of human activity in Gramsci’s thought, the paper proposes that anthropology may find in his philosophy of praxis resources for rethinking some of its central conceptual assumptions. Without reducing Gramsci to an anthropological thinker, the article points toward the contours of a possible convergence whose implications remain to be explored.

Samaddar, Ranabir, et al., editors. The City as the Southern Question: Alternative Histories of Urbanisation After Gramsci. London: Routledge, 2026. doi: 10.4324/9781003629016. (ISBN 978-1-003-62901-6).

Abstract: This innovative edited volume places global urbanism in the context of the phenomenal growth of cities of the South, investigating their colonial contentiousness and asking how their history plays out in the twenty-first-century phenomenon of urbanisation. Inspired by Antonio Gramsci’s reflections on the problem of the South, it shows that the question of southern urbanism is about the anomalies and growth of southern cities, the histories of struggles, technological and logistical reorientations, new zoning practices of neoliberal capitalism and the remaking of urban geographies towards a possible urban future that aims to be just. Crucially, it asks whether today’s city is a seamless formation of several overlapping phases of growth or if there is a decisive break today, marked by the hyper growth of these cities. To understand the implications of these questions for visions of an urban future, this volume takes a number of southern cities of Asia and Europe as case studies, including Kolkata, Mumbai, Chittagong, Beirut, Athens, Naples and Marseille. It shows how these cities are paradoxically marked by both fractured geographies and new types of popular mobilisations, solidarities and an ethic of protection and care, showing this to be the core of the Southern question, constituting the urban experience of our time. It will appeal to advanced-level students and scholars with interests in urban sociology, Southern urbanisation, postcolonial studies, political science, political economy and urban geography.

Shields, Stuart. “The Collective Organic Intellectual Strikes Back: The EBRD Transition Report, the State and the New State Capitalism.” New Political Economy, vol. 0, no. 0, 2026, pp. 1–19. doi: 10.1080/13563467.2026.2653737.

Abstract: This article argues that the Gramscian notion of the collective organic intellectual offers a fruitful way to analyse the recent legitimisation of state intervention in Eastern Central Europe, foregrounding how the EBRD develops and disseminates appropriate knowledge. It analyses the ongoing contradictions between the historically stated position of the EBRD on the withdrawal of the state and its recently recalibrated perspective in the context of the new state capitalism. The EBRD reorganises what constitutes policy common sense in a time of rapid and diverse new challenges to attempt to secure the hegemony of transnational capital. The argument is deployed across five sections. First, it shows how regional development banks have become vital actors in the new state capitalism. Second, it unpacks how collective organic intellectuals disarticulate old social formations and rework new ones. Sections three and four explore two different periods, before and after 2021, of the EBRD’s position on the state as a key intellectual and policy prescription. The final section of the paper brings the analysis up to date, assessing recent documents in the debate about the state. The paper concludes with reflections on the trajectory of European development finance and the potential of the COI framing.

Sotiris, Panagiotis. Hegemony, Strategy, Organisation: Reading Gramsci Today. Brill, 2026. url: https://brill.com/display/title/72221. (ISBN 978-90-04-76262-6).

Abstract: In the work of Antonio Gramsci, a potential hegemony of the subaltern emerges as an antagonistic practice of politics. This refers to the possibility that, through the resistances, struggles, and collective aspirations of labor, new forms of production can emerge that are egalitarian, sustainable, and democratically coordinated, based on the collective knowledge, experience, and ingenuity of the subaltern. It also refers to the potential for new popular cultures, constantly interacting with high culture, and the reclaiming of everything within it that is emancipatory and critical. Achieving this requires new forms of collective organization conceived as experimental sites for the production of new intellectualities, subjectivities, and strategies.

Su, Xiaobo. “Counterhegemony at Work: The Belt and Road Initiative and the Restructuring of International Political Economy.” Review of International Political Economy, vol. 33, no. 2, 2026, pp. 885–918. doi: 10.1080/09692290.2025.2603391.

Abstract: Since its inception, the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has aimed to strengthen transnational connectivity through infrastructure development and trade facilitation, and thus become a focal point in the field of international political economy (IPE). This article offers a conceptual exploration of how the BRI is restructuring the IPE toward a multipolar order of geopolitical and geoeconomic cooperation. Drawing on Gramsci’s analytical framework – particularly his insights into (counter)hegemony – I analyze how the BRI fosters a counterhegemonic movement among Global South actors, led by China, to build their own ladders of development and challenge neoliberal IPE. Addressing a synergy of ideas, institutions, and material capabilities, this analysis seeks to transcend the Western-centric neoliberal IPE by advancing a Southern-oriented international development paradigm. Specifically, the BRI has the potential to institutionalize developmental IPE which emphasizes infrastructure investment, industrial policy, and economic planning to foster industrialization and promote national development. By returning to Gramsci’s theorization, this article offers a revised analytical lens through which to understand the restructuring of IPE. It foregrounds the possibility of a historical bloc forming around Global South interests, thereby expanding the theoretical and political terrain for rethinking global order beyond neoliberal orthodoxy.

Thomas, Peter D. “New Orders: Hegemony as a Method of Political Work.” Historical Materialism, 1, no. aop, 2026, pp. 1–19. doi: 10.1163/1569206x-bja10115.

Abstract: Abstract This text proposes an understanding of hegemony not as a concept, theory or historical narrative, but as a distinctive method of political work. It thematises this strategic perspective in terms of four central dimensions of Gramsci’s political thought in the Prison Notebooks: the goal of constructing a new order, the nature of self-emancipatory politics as the production of historical progress, the method of leadership conceived as fragility and experimentation, and the organisational form of the party as a pedagogical laboratory. Taken in their productive dialectical interaction, these four perspectives enable us to restore political strategy to the centre of the notion of hegemony, and offer a sophisticated perspective well placed to dialogue with some of the central concerns of contemporary radical social and political movements.

Vannini, Angelo. “Translatability as a Structural Response to Epistemic Injustice.” Philosophy of Translation, vol. 0, no. 0, 2026, p. 2645782. doi: 10.1080/29984750.2026.2645782.

Abstract: This paper approaches epistemic injustice through the lens of translation in order to elucidate its hermeneutical and structural dimensions. It contributes to ongoing debates about how epistemic injustice might be addressed in structural terms, moving beyond approaches that locate the primary remedy at the level of individual epistemic virtue. Focusing on hermeneutical injustice, the paper endorses a broader understanding that encompasses not only cases of insufficiency but also cases in which available hermeneutical resources are inoperative. It argues that many instances of hermeneutical injustice are best understood not as failures of understanding, but as failures of translation, in which experience is rendered intelligible through interpretive frameworks that distort, domesticate, or neutralise meaning. Drawing on a cross-reading of Walter Benjamin and Antonio Gramsci, the paper articulates the concept of epistemic translatability, understood not as a criterion of equivalence or communicative success, but as a field of relational practices oriented towards the pragmatic construction of mutual intelligibility. On this view, translation produces understanding by operating across conceptual, institutional, material, and political levels. This framework enables a structural account of hermeneutical injustice and supports strategies for intervention that target its institutional dimension rather than individual epistemic virtues.

Vinten, R. 'Wittgenstein and Gramsci on Science and Scientism', in C. Kanzian, V. Munz, J. Wang-Kathrein, and A. Weiberg (eds.) 50 Years Wittgenstein Symposium, Contributions of the Austrian Ludwig Wittgenstein Society/Vol. XXXII, 2026, pp. 923-932. url: https://symposium.alws.at/#/article/b1c40508-672c-4072-bae6-b0d2a6bd498d

Abstract: Previous studies of the relationships between the thought of Antonio Gramsci and the thought of Ludwig Wittgenstein have tended to focus on the possibility of Gramsci indirectly influencing Wittgenstein via Piero Sraffa (see, for example, Davis 2002a, 2002b, 2012; Sen 2003; Lo Piparo 2010) and upon Wittgenstein's philosophy of language. John Davis has claimed that since the three thinkers "devoted themselves to altogether different realms of ideas" (2002a, 384) we should not expect to find precisely the same claims about the same subject matter but rather should look for parallels where spelling out those parallels "requires translating those ideas into a discourse removed in varying degrees from their original ideas" (Ibid.). Franco Lo Piparo has made a case that Gramsci and Wittgenstein are a bit more closely linked than that in that both make very similar claims about language, grammar, and praxis. Here I am going to agree with Lo Piparo that Gramsci and Wittgenstein both make very similar claims about language and grammar but the focus here will be on another area in which Gramsci and Wittgenstein were largely in agreement: in their attitudes towards science and scientism. Gramsci and Wittgenstein both opposed the imperialistic tendencies of natural science: attempts to bring the methods of natural science into social sciences and the humanities. Both were annoyed by simplistic attempts to popularise science that ended up launching into "absurd popular semi-philosophical speculations" (Rhees, 1984, 117). Both were opposed to reductionism in disciplines like philosophy, psychology, history and economics. In all of these cases their opposition to scientism took on strikingly similar forms.

Wayne, Michael. Gramsci and the Struggle for Democratic Communism. New York: Bloomsbury Academic, 2026. (ISBN 978-1-350-44709-7).

Abstract: With its authoritarian distortions, the Marxism of the 20th century sundered the connections between the practice of Communism, and its essentially democratic ethos. This book reconstructs those vital threads by turning to the work of Italian Marxist Antonio Gramsci. In the wake of the rise of neoliberalism and the new global order that it ushered in, Gramsci and the Struggle for Democratic Communism asks: what form of political rule can facilitate the transition away from capitalism’s increasingly apocalyptic end game? To answer this question, Wayne puts Gramsci into dialogue with key thinkers from his own historical period, from Marx, Lenin and Trotsky through to John Dewey and Walter Lippmann. Wayne argues that Gramsci’s contribution to Marxism helps clarify the political inheritance that class democracies bequeath a revolutionary transition. Wayne then puts Gramsci into a critical dialogue with contemporary thinkers such as Stuart Hall, Ernesto Laclau and Antonio Negri, analysing such crisis situations as Britain and Venezuela under neoliberalism. In the final chapter he develops the concept of ‘elongated dual power’ to explore how revolutionary change can be reconciled with democratic principles as the old choice between barbarism or revolutionary change looms once more on the horizon.

Armenian

None to report.

French

IGS France > Parutions > Livres > Articles

German

None to report.

Greek

None to report.

Italian

Digital Library Antonio Gramsci > Bibliografia gramsciana

Francese, Joseph.  Antonio Gramsci: vita morale e fede socialista. Florence, Italy: Firenze University Press, 2026. ISBN 979-12-215-0924-3. url: https://books.fupress.com/catalogue/antonio-gramsci/16512

This book is comprised of analyses of critical episodes in Gramsci’s life that enable us to read his ouevre from an original perspective. While the chapters approach Gramsci from divergent vantages, they intertwine. Several chapters bring to the fore the importance and lasting effect of books he read in his youth: the Meditations of Marcus Aurelius, Giuseppe Lombardo-Radice’s Il concetto dell’educazione, Renato Serra’s Esame di coscienza di un letterato, Dante’s Divine Comedy. Others shed light on the enduring impact on him of a two polemics, one he observed, another that involved him directly. The first took place when Gramsci was new to the University of Turin. It pitted, within the Socialist Party’s youth federation, Amadeo Bordiga (champion of a dogmatic socialism) and the “culturist” (and Gramsci’s friend) Angelo Tasca. The other casts into relief how, by sharply contrasting the hypocrisy of certain Catholic intellectuals and the sincere faith of Giuseppe Benedetto Cottolengo, Gramsci honed his definition of “socialist faith.” In fact, one of the threads that weave through and bind the chapters together is Gramsci’s non-utopian faith in socialism: for him a social project that continually perfects itself as it adapts to evolving contingency.

Francese, Joseph. “Tatiana e la Delegazione sovietica di Milano,” pp. 181–218. International Gramsci Journal, vol. 6, no. 3, 2026. doi: 10.14276/igj.v6i3.5528.

Abstract: The relationship between Gramsci and Tatiana Schucht sheds light on the conditions in which Gramsci wrote and worked in prison. She cared immensely for her brother-in-law; hers were not feelings of love, of course, but of human solidarity and sincere affection. Furthermore, Tatiana was extremely worried about the relationship between Gramsci and his partner, Julka. The prison correspondence brings into clear view Tatiana’s effort to protect the two’s relationship from interference by a third sister, Eugenia (not to mention Apollon, the father of the Schucht sisters), the illnesses that hindered Julka’s ability to write to Gramsci, and the doubts about the relationship that increasingly overtook the prisoner. However, Tatiana’s was by no means an ingenuous altruism, completely without concerns for her own economic and personal wellbeing (despite her many statements to the contrary, she did not want to return to Russia, but remain in Italy, the country she loved).

Japanese

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Portuguese

IGS Brasil > Bibliografia Gramsciana

Spanish

Ramos, Leonardo, and Filipe Mendonça. “Trump y las ‘astucias de la naturaleza’: estados unidos y la crisis orgánica del orden liberal internacional.” OASIS, no. 44, 2026, pp. 15–37. doi: 10.18601/16577558.n44.02.

Abstract: This article analyzes Donald Trump’s second administration (2025-2029) as an intensified expression of the organic crisis of the Liberal International Order (LIO). Rather than interpreting Trumpism as an external anomaly, the article argues that it represents a radicalization of structural tendencies already embedded within U.S. hegemony. Drawing on the concepts of polycrisis, organic crisis, and the “ruse of nature,” the study examines how unilateralism, economic nationalism, and the erosion of multilateralism under the Trump administration deepen the loss of legitimacy and institutional coherence of the LIO. The paralysis of the WTO, tensions within NATO, the instrumentalization of the dollar, and the weakening of the liberal normative order reveal a growing fragmentation driven from within the hegemonic core itself. In this context, initiatives such as BRICS Plus are not treated as fully consolidated alternative architectures, but rather as reactive manifestations of the leadership and governance vacuum generated by U.S. radicalization. The central argument contends that the contemporary crisis of the LIO stems primarily from internal transformations within American hegemony, whose attempt to restore primacy paradoxically accelerates the pluralization and fragmentation of the international system.

Thai

None to report.

Turkish

Feyzullah Yilmaz has compiled a list of Turkish Gramsci publications at Neo-Gramsian Portal.