is a list of the publications related to Gramsci from 2005
that were not included in the IGS Newsletter.
Bibliography: 2017 | 2016 | 2015 | 2014 | 2013 | 2012 | 2011 | 2010 | 2009 | 2008 | 2007 | 2006 | 2005 | 2004
Balakrishnan, Gopal. “Future Unknown.” New
Left Review, no. 32 (2005): 5-21.
thinkers should we turn in a bid to ground a new conceptualization
of political agency-or to determine whether such a move
has been nullified by the transformations of the last
decades? Gopal Balakrishnan on Machiavelli's parables
of innovation and readings of him from Rousseau to Schmitt,
Strauss to Gramsci. The Florentine as strategist of
beginning anew, in the context of historic defeat. [http://www.newleftreview.net/NLR26601.shtml]
Bieler, Andreas, and Adam David Morton. “Introduction:
International Relations as Political Theory.” Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy,
vol. 8, no. 4 (2005): 383-93. [Introduction to the special
issue of CRISPP: “Images of Gramsci.”]
Bieler, Andreas. “Class Struggle over the Eu Model of
Capitalism: Neo-Gramscian Perspectives and the Analysis of
European Integration.” Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy, vol. 8, no. 4 (2005):
513-26. [Special issue of CRISPP: “Images of
Abstract: This essay provides a critical engagement
with neo-Gramscian perspectives on European integration, dealing
with their core theoretical assumptions as well as empirical
analyses of individual aspects of European integration. It
is argued that by drawing on Gramsci's rejection of economic
determinism, his thinking on the agency-structure problem,
as well as his work on how to conceptualise the role of ideas,
neo-Gramscian perspectives as a critical theory are able to
analyse the social purpose of European integration. The conclusion
identifies several shortcomings in the neo-Gramscian literature
on European integration, namely (1) the neglect of national
and European institutions and their structural impact on social
forces as main collective actors; (2) the related oversight
of possibilities for change within the existing institutional
structure; (3) the neglect of studying resistance to neo-liberal
restructuring in Europe; and (4) the missing analysis of trade
unions and labour as potential actors within movements of
Bond, Patrick. “Gramsci, Polanyi and Impressions from
Africa on the Social Forum Phenomenon.” International
Journal of Urban and Regional Research, vol. 29, no. 2
Bruff, Ian. “Making Sense of the Globalisation Debate When Engaging in Political Economy Analysis”. British Journal of Politics & International Relations, vol. 7, no. 2 (2005): 261-80. [Link].
This article assesses various contributions to the globalisation debate. It takes as its basis the split in the political economy literature between three ‘waves’ of analysis, and provides an overview of each in the first part of the article. A progression towards a more sophisticated understanding of ‘globalisation’ has taken place with the emergence of each wave, with the third wave representing the most refined account. The second section suggests neo-Gramscian theory can overcome the shortcomings of the otherwise praiseworthy third wave. In particular, the work of Stuart Hall is presented as appropriate for the study of globalisation, and political economy in general. The article concludes by calling for greater cross-pollination of ideas between the various critical theories of political economy.
Chattopadhyay, Swati, and Bhaskar Sarkar (eds.), Postcolonial Studies: Culture, Politics, Economy, Volume 8, Number 4 (November 2005). [This is a special issue of the journal Postcolonial Studies on the topic of "the subaltern and the popular."]
- Swati Chattopadhyay and Bhaskar Sarkar, "Introduction: The subaltern and the popular," pp. 357-363
- José Rabasa "The comparative frame in subaltern studies," pp. 365 - 380
- Walter D. Mignolo, "On subalterns and other agencies," pp. 381 - 407
- Gyanendra Pandey, "Notions of community: popular and subaltern," pp. 409 - 419
- David Lloyd, "The subaltern in motion: subalternity, the popular and Irish working class history," pp. 421 - 437
- Sudipta Sen, "Retribution in the subaltern mirror: popular reckonings of justice, and the figure of the Qazi in medieval and precolonial Bengall," pp. 439 - 458
- Bishnupriya Ghosh, "The subaltern at the edge of the popular," pp. 459 - 474
- Gayatri Chakravorty Spiva "Scattered speculations on the subaltern and the popular," pp. 475-486
Cutler, A. Claire. “Gramsci, Law, and the Culture of
Global Capitalism.” Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy, vol. 8, no. 4 (2005):
527-42. [Special issue of CRISPP: “Images of
Abstract: This essay draws upon Gramsci’s understandings
of law and of the philosophy of praxis to develop a critical
analysis of international law in the constitution and potential
revolutionary transformation of the contemporary global political
economy. The analysis illustrates the analytical utility of
Gramscian conceptions of historical bloc and hegemony in capturing
the significance of international law as an effective historical
force. It also extends these conceptions, theoretically, by
arguing that the global political economy is undergoing a
process of juridification in which a commodified legal form
provides the template for economic and political regulation.
The commodity form theory of law is presented as the key to
understanding the significance of international law under
the culture of global capitalism.
Davidson, Alastair. "Gramsci, Hegemony and Globalisation." Kasarinlan: Philippine Journal of Third World Studies, vol. 20, no. 2 (2005): 4-37. [Link to journal].
Abstract: Gramsci's point that battles are won and lost on the terrain of ideology is a much earlier and more complex explanation of the mediations between objective economic and social conditions and politics. It accounts generally for the fact that the continuation of contradiction--as must ever be the case under capitalism--and the worsening conditions for the majority of the world's population do not mean the emergence of a political opposition to capitalism. It remains to be seen whether the new nationalism and its closed borders, which keep such migrants at home with their contradictions, will foster conditions for the constitution of new collective working-class consciousness. Global capitalism fixes class relations in an impure state--a pure duality of capitalists and proletariat never develops anywhere. This means that any socialist transformation requires the building of a cross-class alliance of majorities on national-popular bases, rather than class. Therefore, that hegemony, which permits new ideas to become social forces, has to win out over the old hegemony in an organisational "war of position."
Day, Richard J. F. Gramsci is Dead: Anarchist Currents
in the Newest Social Movements. (London; Ann Arbor,
MI: Pluto Press, 2005). [i.s.b.n.: 0745321135 (hbk.).
Femia, Joseph. “Gramsci, Machiavelli and International
Relations.” Political Quarterly, vol. 76, no.
3 (2005): 341-49.
Fontana, Benedetto. “The Democratic Philosopher: Rhetoric as Hegemony in Gramsci.” Italian Culture, vol. 23, no. 1 (2005): 97-124.
Abstract: This essay argues that the concept of hegemony in gramsci recapitulates and summarizes in Western thought the perennial argument between philosophy and rhetoric, knowledge and politics, and dialectic and power. These dichotomies hark back to Plato’s critique of sophists such as Gorgias, Protagoras, and Thrasymachus. Plato attempted to undermine the rational and theoretical bases of rhetoric in order to establish the supremacy of philosophy over politics, as well as the supremacy of dialectical speech over rhetorical speech. The essay further argues that this antinomy is inherent in Gramsci’s hegemony, which represents an attempt to reconcile the demands of philosophy with the requirements of political action.
Finocchiaro, Maurice A. Arguments About Arguments: Systematic,
Critical, and Historical Essays in Logical Theory. (Cambridge,
UK ; New York, NY: Cambridge University Press, 2005). [i.s.b.n.:
0521853273 (hbk). 0521618533 (pbk.)]. [Chapter 12 of this book is entitled “Logic, politics,
Finocchiaro, Maurice A. “Gramsci, the First World War,
and the Problem of Politics Vs Religion Vs Economics in War.”
Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy,
vol. 8, no. 4 (2005): 407-19. [Special issue of CRISPP:
“Images of Gramsci.”]
Abstract: This essay examines Gramsci’s writings
about the First World War, primarily his immediate reflections
in 1914?1918, but also relevant prison notes (1926?1937).
The most striking feature of his attitude during the war years
is ‘Germanophilia’, a label I adapt from Croce,
whose writings on the Great War also exhibited this attitude.
A key common motivation was that political conflicts should
not be turned into religious ones in which one portrays the
enemy as an evil to be annihilated. But they also had other
divergent motivations. Another striking feature of Gramsci’s
writings during the war years was his opposition to economic
measures against Germany. He seemed to suggest that a military
conflict should not be automatically expanded to include an
economic war, conflating politics and economics. But later
in prison he theorised that modern wars tend to be wars of
position, in which military operations and industrial production
are vitally connected.
Fischman, Gustavo E., and Peter McLaren. “Rethinking
Critical Pedagogy and the Gramscian and Freirean Legacies:
From Organic to Committed Intellectuals or Critical
Pedagogy, Commitment, and Praxis.” Cultural
Studies <=> Critical Methodologies, vol. 5,
no. 4 (2005): 425-46. [journal: website.
Abstract: Critical pedagogy
problematizes the relationship between education and
politics, between sociopolitical relations and pedagogical
practices, between the reproduction of dependent hierarchies
of power and privilege in the domain of everyday social
life and that of classrooms and institutions. In doing
so, it advances an agenda for educational transformation
by encouraging educators to understand the sociopolitical
contexts of educative acts and the importance of radically
democratizing both educational sites and larger social
formations. In such processes, educators take on intellectual
roles by adapting to, resisting, and challenging curriculum,
school policy, educational philosophies, and pedagogical
traditions. This article revisits the contributions
of Antonio Gramsci and Paulo Freire to critical pedagogy,
giving particular attention to the related concepts
of hegemony and the intellectual.
Gran, Peter. “Egypt and Italy, 1760-1850: Toward a Comparative History,” in Society and Economy in Egypt and the Eastern Mediterranean,1600-1900, edited by Nelly Hanna and Raouf Abbas (Cairo: American University in Cairo Press, 2005), [i.s.b.n.: 9774249372], Chapter Two.
Ives, Peter. “Language, Agency and
Hegemony: A Gramscian Response to Post-Marxism.”
Review of International Social and Political Philosophy,
vol. 8, no. 4 (2005). [Special issue of CRISPP:
“Images of Gramsci.”]
Abstract: Ernesto Laclau
and Chantal Mouffe have attempted to save the concept
of ‘hegemony’ from its economistic and essentialist
Marxist roots by incorporating the linguistic influences
of post-structuralist theory. Their major Marxist detractors
criticise their trajectory as a ‘descent into
discourse,’ a decay from well-grounded, material
reality into the idealistic and problematic realm of
language and discourse. Both sides of the debate seem
to agree on one thing: the line from Marxism to post-Marxism
is the line from the economy to language, from ‘reality’
to discourse. This article focuses on Gramsci’s
writings on language to argue against both sides of
this debate. It illustrates how language is central
to Gramsci’s historical materialism and that he
does not oppose it to materiality. It argues that Gramsci
adopted the very term hegemony substantially from his
university studies in linguistics, the debates from
which Ferdinand de Saussure also developed structuralism.
For Gramsci, such linguistic issues were directly related
to the ‘questione della lingua’ and Italian
unification. Moreover, language lies at the centre of
Gramsci’s understanding of the relationship between
coercion and consent. This not only troubles Laclau
& Mouffe’s reading of Gramsci, but it illuminates
a more productive conception of hegemony that can address
recent debates around post-structuralism and the use
of ‘hegemony’ to analyse globalisation and
an increasingly technological and electronic world.
Jessop, Bob. “Gramsci as a Spatial Theorist.”
Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy,
vol. 8, no. 4 (2005): 421-37. [Special issue of CRISPP:
“Images of Gramsci.”]
Abstract: Antonio Gramsci’s philosophy of praxis
is characterised by the spatialisation as well as historicisation
of its analytical categories. These theoretical practices
are deeply intertwined in his ‘absolute historicism’.
Highlighting the spatiality of Gramsci’s analysis not
only enables us to recover the many geographical themes in
his work but also provides a useful counterweight to the emphasis
on the historical dimensions of his historicism. In addition
to obvious references to Gramsci’s use of spatial metaphors
and his discussion of the Southern Question, it is shown that
many of his key concepts are best interpreted from a spatio-temporal
as well as social and material perspective. After introducing
the concepts of space, place and scale, the essay shows that
all three are relevant to Gramsci’s analyses of issues
such as language, the historical significance of the Catholic
Church, the role of intellectuals, cosmopolitanism, class
and class struggle, Americanism and Fordism, the nature of
the Italian state, the social bases of state power, Jacobinism,
passive revolution and hegemony. The essay concludes that
Gramsci’s interest in place, space and scale was not
merely academic but had to do with his analysis of revolutionary
Kebede, AlemSeghed. "Grassroots Environmental Organizations in the United States: A Gramscian Analysis." Sociological Inquiry, vol. 75, no. 1 (2005): 81-129.
Abstract: This study is based Gramsci's notion of hegemony with analysis of grassroots environmental justice organizations in the United States (GEJOs). From a Gramscian perspective, social movements are creative reactions to contracting hegemony. To the extent that it provides room for the existence of collective actions, hegemony is expansive; yet, because it is not total, the condition for the existence of counter-hegemonies that call to question its "essentials" also exists. The case of GEJOs that deal with first-order quality of life issues falls within the province of the latter dynamics. GEJOs deal with an issue limited in scope, viz., environmental crisis; however, their movement participants have contested the multiple dimensions of existing hegemony. These organizations, as total counter-hegemonies, have challenged the political, economic, intellectual, and cultural orders of the American society.
Lauri-Lucente, G. “Gramsci, Freire, and Transformative Education.” Journal of Mediterranean Studies, vol. 15, no. 1 (2005): 167-76.
Mayo, Peter. “‘In and against the State:’Gramsci,
War of Position, and Adult Education.” Journal
for Critical Education Policy Studies, vol. 3, no.
2 (2005). [article:
This paper focuses on the way a state-funded university, as
an important institution of civil society, consolidates existing
hegemonic arrangements and, at the same time, offers spaces
wherein these arrangements can be contested. Using ethnographic
data culled from structured and semi-structured interviews
as well as other appropriate documentation, the author highlights
some of the challenges and contradictions of a university-based
workers' education institute advocating for social change
"in and against the state." The key concept from
Gramsci that reverberates throughout the essay is that of
"war of position."
Morton, Adam David. “A Double Reading of Gramsci: Beyond
the Logic of Contingency.” Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy, vol. 8, no. 4 (2005):
439-53. [Special issue of CRISPP: “Images of
Abstract: In criticising the Italian idealist philosopher
Benedetto Croce ? described by Eric Hobsbawm as the first
‘post-Marxist’ ? Antonio Gramsci elaborated a
distinct theory of history. For Gramsci, philosophers such
as Croce developed a subjective account of history based on
the progression of philosophical thought rather than problems
posed by historical development. This essay develops a ‘double
reading’ of Gramsci. First, it presents an overview
of a dominant post-Marxist reading of Gramsci’s approach
to historical materialism, which constructs a closed and particularistic
understanding of his theory of history. Second, it offers
a reading that exposes and unsettles problems within post-Marxism
by demonstrating how Gramsci’s focus on changes in social
relations threatens the assumptions about both traditional
idealism and materialism. It is this theory of history that
throws into relief certain features necessary to understanding
history as more than just a completely contingent system of
articulatory practices. The method of a double reading therefore
affords insight into the internal tensions and questionable
assumptions of history understood as an association of discourses
(first reading). It also avoids developing an account that
relies on an ‘extrinsic history’ of objective
forces by combining an appreciation of ethico-political principles
alongside economic factors within the struggle over hegemony
relevant to contemporary global political economy (second
Napolitano, Giorgio. “Sraffa and Gramsci: A Recollection.”
Review of Political Economy, vol. 17, no. 3 (2005):
Nederveen Pieterse, Jan. “Metamorphoses of Power: From Coercion to Cooperation?” Asian Journal of Social Science, vol. 33 (2005): 4-22. [Link to PDF].
Abstract: In probing metamorphoses of power and changing understandings of power, this treatment examines the question of whether there is a general trend from coercive towards cooperative and consensual forms of power over time. This reflection unpacks power in its various dimensions, considers the contributions of Gramsci and Foucault, and then examines the hypothesis of a growing trend towards cooperative forms of power in domestic politics and civil society, and in international politics.
Pasha, Mustapha Kamal. “Islam, ‘Soft’ Orientalism
and Hegemony: A Gramscian Rereading.” Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy, vol.
8, no. 4 (2005): 543-58. [Special issue of CRISPP:
“Images of Gramsci.”]
Abstract: The neo-Gramscian framework offers one of
the more innovative contributions to a discipline long embedded
in the self-same verities of behaviouralism, positivism and
neo-Realism. As with conventional wisdom, however, neo-Gramscians
reproduce either assumptions of liberal neutrality or cultural
thickness in relation to the ‘peripheral zones’
of the global political economy. These tendencies produce
a variant that can be likened to ‘soft Orientalism’.
In the first instance, cultural difference is not much of
an impediment to the establishment of (West-centred) global
hegemony. In the second instance, otherness becomes the principal
source of counter-hegemonic movements or resistance. This
article provides a Gramscian rereading of these antinomies
in relation to the apparent consolidation of a natural attitude
towards Islam in the wake of recent dramatic events.
Pratt, Nicola. “Identity, Culture and Democratization: The Case of Egypt.” New Political Science, vol. 27 (2005): 69-86. [Link to Ingenta ].
Abstract: This article seeks to present an alternative approach to understanding the failure of democratization in the Arab world by locating the problem of democracy-building within the logic of the process of reproducing national identity and culture. The conceptual framework draws on the writings of Antonio Gramsci and postcolonial theorists such as Edward Said. Taking Egypt as a case study, I examine a series of events surrounding a human rights report about police brutality in Egypt to illustrate how the struggle to reproduce Egyptian national identity impacts upon the practice of democracy. In the course of searching for an "authentic" Egyptian identity, uncorrupted by Western influences, a critical mass of Egyptian civil society participates in producing a political consensus in which civil and political freedoms may be legitimately sacrificed in the name of national unity and security. This is despite attempts by some Egyptian activists to challenge dominant conceptions of national identity and culture in order to open up democratic spaces.
Pringle, Richard. “Masculinities, Sport, and Power
- a Critical Comparison of Gramscian and Foucauldian Inspired
Theoretical Tools.” Journal of Sport & Social
Issues, vol. 29, no. 3 (2005): 256-78.
Abstract: Although feminists have increasingly found
Foucauldian theorising effective for examining issues associated
with female sport and exercise contexts, the Gramscian-inspired
concept of masculine hegemony remains dominant in masculinities
research. This article compares and contrasts the theoretical
tools stemming from the writings of Gramsci and Foucault with
respect to their use for examining sport and masculinities.
It is argued that it is troublesome to combine Foucauldian
and Gramscian concepts without acknowledging fundamental theoretical
differences. Questions of concern are also discussed with
respect to how the concept of hegemonic masculinity has been
used in studies of sport and masculinities. It is suggested
that the concept of masculine hegemony does not simply refer
to a dominant form of masculinity but is underpinned by particular
understandings of power that some may find problematic. The
conclusion discusses how Foucauldian theorising could be advantageous
for future examinations of sport and masculinities.
Robinson, Andrew. “Towards an Intellectual Reformation:
The Critique of Common Sense and the Forgotten Revolutionary
Project of Gramscian Theory.” Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy, vol. 8,
no. 4 (2005): 469-81. [Special issue of CRISPP: “Images
Abstract: This article examines Gramsci’s theory
of common sense and the implications of this theory for understanding
social transformation and theorising political activity. Gramsci
analyses common sense as a pervasive, though confused and
contradictory, variety of ideology. For Gramsci the point
is to challenge and question this pervasive ideology and its
incoherence, confusion, passivity, and political conservatism.
The task is to involve the construction of a new conception
of the world, in opposition to existing belief-systems, and
what he terms an ‘intellectual and moral reformation’.
By transforming modes of thinking and acting, such a transformation
is conceived as revolutionising political possibilities, altering
the potentialities inherent in a conjuncture. This approach
of Gramsci’s dovetails with revolutionary and radical
political movements, suggesting a more fundamental challenge
to capitalism and a forgotten but very energetic potential
project of revolutionary transformation.
Robinson, William I. “Gramsci and Globalisation: From
Nation-State to Transnational Hegemony.” Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy,
vol. 8, no. 4 (2005): 559-74. [Special issue of CRISPP:
“Images of Gramsci.”]
Abstract: This essay explores the matter of hegemony
in the global system from the standpoint of global capitalism
theory, in contrast to extant approaches that analyse this
phenomenon from the standpoint of the nation-state and the
inter-state system. It advances a conception of global hegemony
in transnational social terms, linking the process of globalisation
to the construction of hegemonies and counter-hegemonies in
the twenty-first century. An emergent global capitalist historical
bloc, lead by a transnational capitalist class, rather than
a particular nation-state, bloc of states, or region, is pursuing
a hegemonic project. The US state is seen as the point of
condensation for pressures from dominant groups to resolve
problems of global capitalism. US-led militarisation is a
contradictory political-military response to the crisis of
global capitalism, characterised by economic stagnation, legitimacy
problems and the rise of counter-hegemonic forces.
Rupert, Mark. “Reading Gramsci in an Era of Globalising
Capitalism.” Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy, vol. 8, no. 4 (2005): 483-97.
[Special issue of CRISPP: “Images of Gramsci.”]
Abstract: It is possible to read Gramsci and through
him, the tradition of historical materialism in such a way
that we are enabled to realise a potentially transformative
politics of solidarity in a world where capitalist relations
are extending and deepening, but which is nonetheless plural.
A Gramscian-inflected historical materialism enables an understanding
of globalising capitalism, its relations of power and structures
of governance, as the product of struggles at once material
and ideological among concretely situated social agents.
When viewed in terms of a dialectical reading of Gramsci,
these struggles may be seen as reassertions of situated knowledges
and process-based understandings of social reality, antithetical
to the abstract individualism residing in capitalism’s
core, and embodying possibilities for critical engagement,
dialogue, and transformative politics in an era of globalising
Sassoon, Anne Showstack. “Gramsci and the Secret of
Father Brown.” Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy, vol. 8, no. 4 (2005): 395-405.
[Special issue of CRISPP: “Images of Gramsci.”]
article examines major methodological issues in Gramsci’s
writings that are relevant for re-thinking contemporary
political relationships, by considering his use of the
‘particular’. It draws on Gramsci’s
notes on Chesterton’s Father Brown stories, including
his contrast between ‘old’ Catholic Europe
and ‘new’ Protestant, positivist America,
and discusses Gramsci’s critique of positivism
and populism with reference to his writings on the palaeontologist
Cuvier and the criminologist Cesare Lombroso. It links
Gramsci’s use of details and fragments from diverse
sources, Father Brown’s methods, and the practice
of psychoanalysis. Gramsci’s criticism of Conan
Doyle is contrasted with Freud’s admiration for
him. It examines the tensions involved in interrogating
seemingly unimportant, ‘everyday’ material
and in engaging with the innate conservatism of popular
‘common sense’ beliefs, whose ‘good
sense’ is nonetheless the necessary point of departure
for mass politics. At the same time it argues that in
addressing major social and political issues, the ‘general’,
universal or hegemonic cannot be derived from the ‘particular’.
It connects these themes to contemporary questions about
the status and objectives of different kinds of knowledge
and the split between politics and people. It suggests
that Gramsci’s aim to go beyond the dichotomy
between rationalism and irrationalism has profound implications
both for understanding his writings and for their use
in contemporary political analysis.
Saul, J. S., and R. Saunders. “Mugabe, Gramsci, and Zimbabwe at 25.” International Journal, vol. 60, no. 4 (2005): 953-75.
[Reprinted, with the title:
“Authoritarianism: Mugabe, Gramsci, and Zimbabwe at Twenty-Five” in John Saul, The Next Liberation Struggle: Capitalism, Socialism, And Democracy
In Southern Africa, Toronto: Between the Lines; Scottsville:
University of KwaZulu-Natal Press; New York: Monthly Review Press; London: Merlin, 2005, pp. 129-145]
Smith, Kylie M. "Hegemony: Consensus, Coercion and Culture." Overland, no. 179 (2005): 20-1.
Abstract: The Hegemony Research Group in the Faculty of Arts at the University of Wollongong, Australia held a workshop in late 2004 with invited speakers at which members circulated their work for comments by guest discussants and other members of the group. The concept of hegemony as used by the Italian Communist Antonio Gramsci in his Prison Notebooks and its relevance in current world politics is discussed.
Sutherland, Claire. “Nation-Building through Discourse Theory.” Nations and Nationalism, vol. 11 (2005): 185-202. [Link to Ingenta].
Abstract: The article sets out to demonstrate the value of discourse theory for studying nationalism as an ideology. It looks at the debate surrounding the concept of discourse and its manifold meanings before examining Laclau and Mouffe's discourse theory, with particular reference to the concept of hegemony and the influence of Gramsci on their work. This leads to a discussion of the relevance of discourse theory to a study of nationalist ideology, especially the antagonistic dynamic between nation-state and minority nationalisms. Not only does discourse theory serve to embed the omnipresence of ideology within a useful hierarchy of mega and micro discourse, but it also provides a conceptual toolbox for analysing nationalist ideology at the empirical level.
van der Pijl, Kees. “Gramsci and Left Managerialism.”
Review of International Social and Political Philosophy,
vol. 8, no. 4 (2005): 499-511. [Special issue of CRISPP: “Images of Gramsci.”]
Abstract: This essay argues that one way of understanding
Gramsci today is as an organic intellectual of a class of
managerial cadre which develops in advanced capitalism. With
the growth of monopolistic structures and a deepening state
role in capitalist society, a separate class of mediating
functionaries emerges, entrusted with managerial tasks in
running the economy and the state. The problems of conquering
power from the perspective of this ‘new middle class’
that concerned Gramsci, were also those of the neo-Machiavellian
thinkers, Mosca, Michels, Pareto and Sorel around the turn
of the twentieth century. From opposed political angles, they
and Gramsci shared the concern with occupying the centre ground
and mediate the extremes in a complex society. Today’s
Gramscianism appeals to the same set of concerns.
Woost, Michael D. “Gramsci, Culture and Anthropology.”
Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, vol.
11, no. 1 (2005): 162-63.
Darraj, Feisal. “Antonio Gramsci and Edward Said:
Two Different Problematics.” Alif: A Journal
of Comparative Poetics, no. 25 (2005). [journal
web site] [Arabic.] [Examines the intellectual debt
owed by Said to Gramsci and the concept of “hegemony”.]
Bernhard, Armin. Gramscis Politische Paedagogik. Grundrisse eines praxisphilosophischen Erziehungs- und Bildungsmodells. Argument Verlag, 2005.
La Città Futura, Tokyo Gramsci Society
Bulletin No. 35 (November 2005)
- Chiara Meta, “Summing
up of the symposium of the Gramscian concept of hegemony,” translated by Koichi Ohara.
- Nicola Badaloni, “Sraffa on Gramsci” (Part 2), translated by Koichi Ohara.
- Hiroshi Matsuda, Book Review of Tadao Uemura, Gramsci and His Reflections in Prison.
La Città Futura, Tokyo Gramsci
Society Bulletin No. 34 (July 2005)
- Shigeki Maruyama, “Develop
of Worker’s Collective Movement in Japan: An attempt
of Transformation of the Regional Communities through
- Nobuaki Kurosawa, “Combining the Proletariat
and ‘Philosophy:’ Reflections on the book Introduction to Marx by Hitoshi Imamura.”
- Tadashi Suzuki, “Researching the Postwar
- Junichi Tanimoto, “An Inquiry of Gramscian
Thoughts: the Possibility of Civil Hegemony.” (TGS Research Group of the Critical Edition of the Prison
- Nicola Badaloni, “Sraffa on Gramsci” (Part 1), Translated by Koichi Ohara.
Del Roio, Marcos. Os prismas de Gramsci: a fórmula política da frente única (1919-1926). São Paulo: Xamâ, 2005. [i.s.b.n.: 8575870416]
Abstract: Neste livro, Marcos Del Roio analisa a atividade político-teórica de Gramsci antes de seu encarceramento destacando a continuidade plena entre a ação política e a reflexão filosófica de Gramsci. Trata-se de uma contribuição significativa para a compreensão da teoria política de Gramsci e para a discussão sobre a atualidade da fórmula política da frente única. Além do mais, Del Roio chama atenção para a historicidade necessária à obra gramsciana, resgatando essa historicidade de forma polêmica tanto no campo aberto do marxismo como na análise do processo de transformação histórica. Apesar de polêmico em muitos momentos, trata-se de um livro obrigatório para os que afirmam a possibilidade de construir uma nova sociabilidade, uma nova democracia: a dos trabalhadores.
Santucci, A. A. Gramsci, trans. G. Baldi & J. Massardo. Santiago
de Chile: LOM, 2005.
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