Gramsci Bibliography: 2018

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English

Baier, Walter. “Gramsci was a Shibboleth.” International Gramsci Journal 3.1 (2018): 55–67. [Source]

Abstract: During his lifetime, Antonio Gramsci concerned himself little with political events in Austria. Similarly, his posthumously published writings had little influence on the left-of-centre political landscape in that country. Nevertheless, the following interview with Walter Baier, former Chairman of the Austrian Communist Party, examines some of the points of contact and connections between Gramsci and the Austrian Left during the twentieth century. Such points of contact include a) Gramsci’s stay in Vienna between 1923 and 1924 and his critical relationship with Austro-Marxism from a philosophical and political point of view; b) the peripheral influence of Gramsci’s thought on early Eurocommunism in the Austrian Communist Party between 1965 and 1969, which was due above all to the efforts of Franz Marek; c) the Marxist-Leninist reception of Gramsci’s work by the leadership of the Austrian Communist Party which took place at the beginning of the 1980s and was intended as a defensive manoeuvre to counter heterodox interpretations of Marxism within and outside the party; and d) the possible significance of Gramsci for Otto Bauer’s concept of integral Socialism, seen as a revolutionary transformational project for the incipient twenty-first century.

Bieler, Andreas, and Adam David Morton. “Interlocutions with passive revolution.” Thesis Eleven 147.1 (2018): 9–28. [Source]

Abstract: This article critically engages with debates on uneven and combined development and particularly the lack of attention given in this literature to accounts of spatial diversity in capitalism’s outward expansion as well as issues of Eurocentrism. Through interlocutions with Antonio Gramsci on his theorising of state formation and capitalist modernity and the notion of passive revolution, we draw out the internal relationship between the structuring condition of uneven and combined development and the class agency of passive revolution. Interlocuting with passive revolution places Antonio Gramsci firmly within a stream of classic social theory shaping considerations of capitalist modernity. As a result, by building on cognate theorising elsewhere, passive revolution can then be established as a lateral field of causality that necessarily grasps spatio-temporal dynamics linked to both state and subaltern class practices of transformation in social property relations, situated within the structuring conditions of uneven and combined development.

Buttigieg, Joseph A. “Dizionario gramsciano / Gramsci dictionary: subaltern / Subalterns.” International Gramsci Journal 3.1 (2018): 8–17. [Source]

Abstract: The Dizionario gramsciano entry, in the original English “Subaltern / Subalterns”, deals with different subaltern groups and classes, in particular those discussed in the late, monographic Notebook 25 titled “At the Margins of History. (History of the Subaltern Social Groups)”. The concept of a subaltern social group or class encompasses, but goes much wider than, the working class or proletariat. The subaltern groups mentioned by Gramsci go from the classical world in the “West” (ancient Rome in particular), through the Middle Ages to the modern era. A key historiographical and conceptual reference point for him, regarding the struggle – or lack of struggle – for hegemony by the subalterns lay in the movement for unification of the modern Italian State. As early as the first notebook, we read that the most progressive forces of the Risorgimento, embodied in the “Action Party”, were subject to “the initiative of the dominant groups”, represented by the “Moderates”, and as such its leading organs resembled subaltern groups. The history of the subaltern groups is “necessarily fragmented and episodic”, the groups themselves being separate from one another, having various degrees of marginality and of socially subaltern nature, albeit with tendencies towards unification. These tendencies are however “continually broken up through the initiative of the dominant groups”, with any “‘spontaneous’ movement on their part being countered by a reactionary movement of the right of the dominant classes”. Spontaneity must be integrated with conscious leadership – the task of any political party constructing an alternative hegemony on the side of the subalterns.

Buttigieg, Joseph A. “Gramsci in English.” International Gramsci Journal 3.1 (2018): 26–40. [Source]

Abstract: The article retraces the how Gramsci’s major writings, mainly though not exclusively from the Prison Notebooks and then the Prison Letters, were made available to Anglophone readers. The main process got underway in the later 1950s in the attempt to present a non-dogmatic Marxism. As such, a major contribution came somewhat later from another source, John Cammett’s 1967 book Antonio Gramsci and the Origins of Italian Communism. The British “New Left Review” was instrumental around this time in publishing some material and paving the way for the influential 1971 anthology Selections from the Prison Notebooks, followed by an English version of Giuseppe Fiori’s biography, Antonio Gramsci: Life of a Revolutionary and by selections in the late 1970s from the pre-prison writings, namely journalistic articles and other political interventions; this was integrated by a Cambridge University Press volume published in 1994. The 1970s saw partial translations of the Prison Letters, and a full version in 1994. In the meantime a volume Selections from Cultural Writings appeared in the mid-80s and Further Selections from the Prison Notebooks in 1995, preceded somewhat earlier by the first volume of Buttigieg’s own integral translation of Valentino Gerratana’s 1975 critical edition of the Notebooks, now interrupted as work was proceeding beyond Volume 3. A recent addition in volume form is A Great and Terrible World. The Pre-Prison Letters; the title’s opening phrase is taken from Kipling, and was often used by Gramsci and his wife, Julija (Jul’ka), in the letters they exchanged before Gramsci’s arrest.

Ciavolella, Riccardo. “Gramsci in and beyond resistances: The search for an autonomous political initiative among a subaltern group in the Beninese savanna.” Focaal 2018.82 (2018): 49–63. [Source]

Abstract: Stemming from a Gramscian approach, this article engages with the anthropological debate about subaltern groups’ forms of resistance by using the case of marginalized Fulani groups of pastoral and nomadic origins in northwest Benin. Their experiences seemingly confirm contemporary theories on resistance, which emphasize subaltern people’s capacities to tactically circumvent exploitation and exclusion and to handle contradictions between different “moral economies.” Nevertheless, one should question the impact of small-scale reactions that remain on the infrapolitical level and the emancipatory role that political theories give to tactical forms of resistance of dispersed subjectivities while refusing collective strategies. Grounding Gramscian theories in ethnography, this article wonders about the possibilities and limits of margins to turn into the scene of an “autonomous political initiative” of a subaltern group.

Cospito, Giuseppe. “Dizionario gramsciano / Gramsci dictionary: Hegemony.” International Gramsci Journal 3.1 (2018): 18–25. [Source]

Abstract: Hegemony is by now the most widely used concept of all those found in the Prison Notebooks and developed there by Gramsci. The first use in the Notebooks occurs very early on, purely in the sense of a political hegemony exercised by the so-called “Moderates” in the Risorgimento. There is no unique meaning attached to “hegemony” but an oscillation between a narrow “leadership” as contrasted with “domination” and a broader one which includes both “leadership” and “domination”, leading the allied classes or groups and dominating the opposing ones: in Gramsci’s words, the “ ‘normal’ exercise of hegemony” is characterized by a “combination of force and consent”. Hegemony is exercised across a variety of fields – not solely political as in the first use of the term, but “political-intellectual”, “intellectual, moral and political”, “politico-cultural” and “cultural”. And the content of political hegemony “must be predominantly of an economic order”. The intellectuals, as defined and discussed by Gramsci in the Notebooks, occupy a particular role in the exercise of hegemony in society by the dominant group and in the domination over society embodied by the State. In a struggle for hegemony, a subaltern group must go beyond the economic-corporative phase, to advance to “political-intellectual hegemony in civil society and become dominant in political society”. Hegemony is intimately connected with democracy, such that in a hegemonic system “there is democracy between the leading groups and the groups that are led”.

Crehan, Kate. “Antonio Gramsci: Towards an ethnographic marxism.” Anuac 7.2 (2018): 133–150. [Source]

Abstract: “Culture” was always for Gramsci an important aspect of political struggle. In the Prison Notebooks he insists on the need for «a cultural front alongside the merely economic and merely political ones» (Gramsci 1995: 345). We should note, however, that the concept of culture we find in the notebooks is rather different from that of mainstream anthropology (see Crehan 2002). At the same time Gramsci’s approach to culture and the relation of culture to history can be seen as informed by an ethnographic sensibility, which is always determined to seek out, and take seriously, the narratives others use to make sense of their world and navigate their way through it. To clarify the nature of the ethnographic sensibility we find in the notebooks and the letters from prison, the article compares this sensibility to that of Bronisław Malinowski as laid down in the famous “Introduction” to Argonauts of the Western Pacific (termed by George Stocking, anthropology’s mythic charter). The article argues that Gramsci’s ethnographically-informed approach can help anthropologists and others trace out the complicated passage between the material structures that shape the basic social and political landscapes within which people live, and the narratives by which they live. And that understanding this is a crucial foundation for any effective political movement that would bring about a more just and fair world.

Crehan, Kate. “The Common Sense of Donald J. Trump: A Gramscian Reading of Twenty-First Century Populist Rhetoric.” In Trump and Political Philosophy: Leadership, Statesmanship, and Tyranny. Ed. Angel Jaramillo Torres and Marc Benjamin Sable, 275–291. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. [Source]

Abstract: The success of Donald Trump’s presidential campaign, culminating in his defeat of Hilary Clinton in the 2016 presidential election, has baffled liberal commentators. The writings of Antonio Gramsci, the twentieth-century Italian Marxist, imprisoned by Mussolini, can help us understand Trump’s success. This chapter uses the Gramscian concept of common sense (senso comune) to explore the nature of Trump’s appeal to certain Americans. It also asks the question: from where might oppositional common sense narratives emerge? It is always harder for a narrative that goes against the prevailing hegemonic order to gain the same traction as those that are broadly in line with that order. Nonetheless, political narratives based on common sense can come from the left as well as the right. The chapter takes as an example the Occupy Wall Street movement and the generation of the ‘We are the 99 percent!’ slogan.

Donoghue, Matthew. “Beyond Hegemony: Elaborating on the Use of Gramscian Concepts in Critical Discourse Analysis for Political Studies:” Political Studies 66.2 (2018). [Source]

Abstract: The work of Antonio Gramsci is important for the theoretical underpinnings of critical discourse analysis. However, many scholars’ engagement with Gramsci’s work within critical discourse analysis remains surprisingly thin. This article seeks to highlight the detriment to critical discourse analysis of having only a surface engagement with Gramsci. It critically assesses how Gramscian concepts such as hegemony and ‘common sense’ are currently employed within critical discourse analysis and provides more detailed discussion on the import of these concepts for critical discourse analysis. The article also argues that introducing the Gramscian concepts of the war of position and spontaneous and normative grammars enables the further realisation of critical discourse analysis’ ambition to be an emancipatory tool in political and social science. In so doing, the article contributes to work on critical discourse analysis as a method in political studies, particularly concerning the role of discourse in reproducing and maintaining asymmetrical power relations between classes and social groups, and potential challenges to this.

Gonzales, Alfonso. “Nuestro Gramsci: Notes on Antonio Gramsci’s Theoretical Relevance for the Study of Subaltern Latino Politics Research.” Rethinking Marxism 30.4 (2018): 546–567. [Source]

Abstract: This essay draws on Antonio Gramsci’s theoretical and philosophical insights to provide an alternative approach to mainstream Latino politics research that also introduces students to Gramsci. It contends that Gramsci provides a framework both for rigorously thinking about the challenges facing Latinos living in the United States and also for advancing an oppositional democratic politics in the face of the authoritarian turn in contemporary neoliberalism. Gramscian thought provides a theory and method for studying politics that can account for the structural conditions in which Latinos engage in politics, permitting the identification of dominant groups’ methods of building consensus for authoritarian rule. Moreover, Gramscian theory provides analytical tools for conceptualizing an alternative approach to Latino politics research that is oppositional, theoretically driven, and grounded in a praxis focused explicitly on the empowerment of subaltern Latinos, such as the undocumented, refugees, indigenous “Latinos”, Afro-Latinos, and LGBT Latinos, among others.

Green, Marcus E. “Gramsci’s Concept of the ‘Simple’: Religion, Common Sense, and the Philosophy of Praxis.” Rethinking Marxism 30.4 (2018): 525–545. [Source]

Abstract: One of the minor yet recurring themes of Antonio Gramsci’s Prison Notebooks is his treatment of the “simple,” a category he developed to examine the Catholic Church’s paternalistic view of common people and peasants as “simple and sincere souls,” in contrast to its superior view of cultured intellectuals. Throughout the Notebooks, he examines how the Church’s condescending and fatalistic portrayal of the “simple” provides a basis for common sense, reinforcing the conditions of subalternity. Because of the uncritical nature of common sense and the simple’s desire for change, he argues for the articulation of a “renewed common sense” containing critical and reflective philosophical foundations that transcend the passivity and paternalism of religion. Such a movement requires defining and disseminating new conceptions of philosophy and culture that are critically grounded and provide a basis of struggle in which the “simple” play the predominant role in the direction of their political lives and in the creation of a new hegemony.

Hui, Elaine Sio-ieng. “The Gramscian Approach to the Chinese State.” In Hegemonic Transformation: The State, Laws, and Labour Relations in Post-Socialist China. New York : Palgrave Macmillan, 2018

Abstract: This book contends that the Chinese economic reform inaugurated since 1978 has been a top-down passive revolution, in Gramsci’s term, and that after three decades of reform the role of the Chinese state has been changing from steering the passive revolution through coercive tactics to establishing capitalist hegemony. It illustrates that the labour law system is a crucial vehicle through which the Chinese party-state seeks to secure the working class’s consent to the capitalist class’s ethno-political leadership. The labour law system has exercised a double hegemonic effect with regards to the capital-labour relations and state-labour relations through four major mechanisms. However, these effects have influenced the Chinese migrant workers in an uneven manner. The affirmative workers have granted active consent to the ruling class leadership; the indifferent, ambiguous and critical workers have only rendered passive consent while the radical workers has refused to give any consent at all.

Humphrys, Elizabeth. “Anti-politics, the early Marx and Gramsci’s ‘integral state.’” Thesis Eleven 147.1 (2018): 29–44. [Source]

Abstract: This article traces a line of theorisation regarding the state-civil society relationship, from Marx’s early writings to Gramsci’s conception of the integral state. The article argues that Marx developed, through his critique of Hegel, a valuable understanding of the state-civil society connection that emphasised the antagonism between them in capitalist societies. Alternatively, Gramsci’s conception of the ‘integral state’ posits an interconnection and dialectical unity of the state and civil society, where the latter is integrated under the leadership of the former. The article argues that while Marx and Gramsci’s positions are, at first, seemingly incongruous ideas – as to the ‘separation’ in Marx and ‘integration’ in Gramsci – this tension can be bridged when the integral state is understood as being always necessarily unstable. The article argues that this framework can help us understand the contemporary breakdown of political rule in the phenomenon known as ‘anti-politics’.

Humphrys, Elizabeth, and Ihab Shalbak. “On ‘heroic fury’ and questions of method in Antonio Gramsci.” Thesis Eleven 147.1 (2018): 3–8. [Source]

Jackson, Robert. “Antonio Gramsci: Persons, Subjectivity, and the Political.” In Subjectivity and the Political: Contemporary Perspectives. Ed. Gavin Rae and Emma Ingala, 135–157. New York: Routledge, 2018.

Lacorte, Rocco. “Translation and Marxism.” In The Routledge Handbook of Translation and Politics. Ed. Jonathan Evans and Fruela Fernandez, 17–28. New York: Routledge, 2018

Las Heras, Jon. “International Political Economy of Labour and Gramsci’s methodology of the subaltern.” The British Journal of Politics and International Relations (2018): 1369148118815403. [Source]

Abstract: Gramscian International Political Economy scholarship has predominantly focused on studying capital’s power to subsume labour under different hegemonic projects. Various autonomist Marxists have recently sought to ‘voice labour’ by proposing a disruption-oriented International Political Economy. However, this article argues that such an approach mirrors domination-oriented International Political Economy approaches by overemphasising labour’s disruptive potentiality and by paying little attention to the historical limitations that labour faces in its own empowerment. To escape from the unilateralism of these two mutually exclusive perspectives, Gramsci’s ‘Methodology of the Subaltern’ is reviewed in order to propose a Gramscian or strategic International Political Economy of Labour. Hence, this article shows that it is possible for International Political Economy scholars to study uneven capitalist development as the result of the agency of (dis)organised labour and thereby to better account for the emancipatory potentiality of working-class strategies in specific contexts.

Mayo, Peter. “Obituary: Joseph A. Buttigieg (1947-2019).” International Gramsci Journal 3.1 (2018): 5–7. [Source]

Abstract: This is an obituary of Joseph A. Buttigieg by a long-time collaborator and friend of his, Professor Peter Mayo of the University of Malta, who apart from – and often overlapping with his Gramsci studies – carries out specialist research and teaching on educational matters.

Modonesi, Massimo. The Antagonistic Principle: Marxism and Political Action. Brill, 2018. [Source]

Pass, Jonathan. “Gramsci meets emergentist materialism: Towards a neo neo-gramscian perspective on world order.” Review of International Studies 44.4 (2018): 595–618. [Source]

Abstract: Neo-Gramscians have made invaluable contributions to expanding traditional IR/IPE theory. Nevertheless, as the following article indicates, the ontological, epistemological, and methodological positions they adopt results in a rather one-sided interpretation of Antonio Gramsci and a partial, at times erroneous, account of the nature of the current global system. In highlighting these oversights, the neo neo-Gramscian approach presented here – rooted in a critical realist philosophy of science, specifically ‘emergentist materialism’, and involving a more complete reading of Gramsci – seeks to lay the basis for the elaboration of a more convincing theoretical and conceptual framework to analyse the changing dynamics of contemporary world order, without which the Coxian critical theory dream of engendering social emancipation cannot be fully realised.

Roberts, Philip. “Gramsci in Brazil: From the PCB to the MST.” Thesis Eleven 147.1 (2018): 62–75. [Source]

Abstract: This article examines the specific case of Brazil as an area in which Gramscian analysis has been put to practical use. It examines the application of Gramsci’s work to Brazilian reality in three different ways. First, the introduction of concepts derived from the Prison Notebooks in order to understand the development of capitalism in Brazil. This aspect deals in particular with the concept of ‘passive revolution’, and the relationship between ‘Eastern’ and ‘Western’ social formations in Gramsci’s analysis. Second, the role of Gramscian thought for political parties, particularly the Brazilian Communist Party (PCB) and later the Workers Party (PT), in particular the novel formulations of Gramsci’s concept of hegemony that appear during the PT presidencies. Third, the varied appropriation of Gramscian analysis by the Landless Workers Movement of Brazil (MST), situated in an appreciation of Gramsci’s concept of the ‘Modern Prince’. The purpose of the article is to reflect on the possibilities and limitations of translating Gramsci’s thought to new contexts, and how new developments may or may not maintain the leitmotif of his thought.

Roca, Beltran, and Jon Las Heras. “Trade unions as retaining walls against political change: A Gramscian approach to remunicipalisation policies in a Spanish City.” Capital & Class (2018): [Source]

Abstract: The 2008 economic and political crisis produced a favourable opportunity structure for the emergence of new and innovative left-wing political projects and trade union strategies in Spain, especially in relation to remunicipalisation processes that sought to revert the neoliberal policy making at the local scale. The article deploys a Gramscian analysis on trade union discourse production in order to discern complex process of working-class formation and intra-class conflict in the beach cleaning units of the Andalusian city of Cádiz. Crucially, the oppositional stand defended by one of the largest trade unions in Spain towards remunicipalisation shows that trade unions can act as ‘retaining walls’ against political change in periods of social upheaval.

Schneider, Alyse. “Gramsci’s Contradictions in Mathematics Education Researcher Positionality.” The Mathematics Enthusiast 15.1 (2018): 100–132. [Source]

Shalbak, Ihab. “Hegemony thinking: A detour through Gramsci.” Thesis Eleven 147.1 (2018): 45–61. [Source]

Abstract: This paper is concerned with the deployment and the transformation of Gramsci’s notion of hegemony and the purpose it serves. I argue that, in its travel from Rome to London, this notion acquired something like a truth-value. In London the notion yielded what I call ‘hegemony thinking’: a distinctive style of thinking that focused on strategy to carry out effective political interventions. To demonstrate my claim I trace the Marxism Today discussion on the crisis of the Left and strategy in the UK. In particular, I look at the engagements of the late historian Eric Hobsbawm and the cultural theorist Stuart Hall with Gramsci’s work, and examine the appropriation of the coordinates of hegemony by the entrepreneur and Blair policy advisor Geoff Mulgan.

Smith, Douglas Kristopher. “Latin American Gramscian Thought.” A Contracorriente: una revista de estudios latinoamericanos 15.2 (2018): 295–305. [Source]

Sotiris, Panagiotis. “Gramsci and the Challenges for the Left: The Historical Bloc as a Strategic Concept.” Science & Society 82.1 (2018): 94–119. [Source]

Abstract: The historical bloc is one of the central concepts of Antonio Gramsci’s theoretical elaboration in the Prison Notebooks. It is not a descriptive, nor an analytic, concept. It is a strategic concept. It does not refer to social alliances, but to the intersection between analysis and strategy, representing Gramsci’s attempt to theorize the possibility of hegemony in its integral form, namely in the dialectical unity of structure and superstructures. Therefore, in terms of strategy, it implies that the struggle for hegemony is the struggle for a new historical bloc, namely an articulation of transition programs emanating from the collective struggle, ingenuity and experimentation of the subaltern classes, organizational forms, new political practices, and new political intellectualities. Consequently, it offers a way to rethink the strategic challenges that the left faces, in periods when questions of political power and hegemony are indeed becoming crucial.

Thomas, Peter D. “Gramsci’s Revolutions: Passive and Permanent.” Modern Intellectual History (2018): 1–30. [Source]

Abstract: Antonio Gramsci’s notion of “passive revolution” has often been understood as a distinctive historical narrative, political concept, or theory of state formation. This article proposes to consider it instead as a “heuristic formula” within the “lexical architecture” of the Prison Notebooks. Based upon a diachronic and contextualist analysis of the usage of the formula, I argue that Gramsci’s research on passive revolution emerged as a critical element within the development of his own distinctive conception of the “sublation” and “actualization” of the slogan of “the revolution in permanence.” Attending to this dialectical relationship allows the political and strategic dimensions of passive revolution to be highlighted, and suggests new paths of research for the debate about its analytic fertility and contemporary relevance.

Thomas, Peter D. “Refiguring the Subaltern.” Political Theory 46.6 (2018): 861–884. [Source]

Abstract: The subaltern has frequently been understood as a figure of exclusion ever since it was first highlighted by the early Subaltern Studies collective’s creative reading of Antonio Gramsci’s carceral writings. In this article, I argue that a contextualist and diachronic study of the development of the notion of subaltern classes throughout Gramsci’s full Prison Notebooks reveals new resources for “refiguring” the subaltern. I propose three alternative figures to comprehend specific dimensions of Gramsci’s theorizations: the “irrepressible subaltern,” the “hegemonic subaltern,” and the “citizen-subaltern.” Far from being exhausted by the eclipse of the conditions it was initially called upon to theorize in Subaltern Studies, such a refigured notion of the subaltern has the potential to cast light both on the contradictory development of political modernity and on contemporary political processes.

Thomas, Peter D. “Reverberations of The Prince: From ‘heroic fury’ to ‘living philology.’” Thesis Eleven 147.1 (2018): 76–88. [Source]

Abstract: This article explores the ways in which Gramsci’s engagement with Machiavelli and The Prince in particular result in three significant developments in the Prison Notebooks. First, I analyse how the ‘heroic fury’ of Gramsci’s lifelong interest in Machiavelli’s thought develops, during the composition of his carceral writings, into a novel approach to the reading of The Prince, giving rise to the famous notion of the ‘modern Prince’. Second, I argue that the modern Prince should not be regarded merely as a distinctive (individual or collective) figure, but rather should be understood as a dramatic development that unfolds throughout ‘the discourse itself’ of the Prison Notebooks, particularly in the crucial phase of reorganisation in the ‘special notebooks’ composed from 1932 onwards. Third and finally, I suggest that the combination of the two preceding themes is decisive for understanding the modern Prince as a distinctive form of political organisation. Rather than equated with a generic conception of the ‘(communist) political party’, this notion was developed as a part of Gramsci’s larger argument regarding the necessity for anti-Fascist political forces in Italy in the early 1930s to grow into an antagonistic collective body guided by principles of ‘living philology’.

Tirmizey, Kasim Ali. “Learning from and Translating Peasant Struggles as Anti-Colonial Praxis: The Ghadar Party in Punjab.” Socialist Studies/Études Socialistes 13.2 (2018). [Source]

Abstract: The Ghadar Party introduced a radical anticolonial praxis to Punjab, British India, in the early 1910s. Much of the literature on the Ghadar Party situates the birth of the movement among Punjabi peasants along the Pacific coast of North America who returned to their homeland intent on waging an anticolonial mutiny. One strand of argumentation locates the failure of the Ghadar Party in a problem of incompatibility between their migrant political consciousness and the conditions and experiences of their co-patriots in Punjab. I use Antonio Gramsci’s concept of “translation,” a semi-metaphorical means to describe political practices that transform existing political struggles, to demonstrate how the Ghadar Party’s work of political education was not unidirectional, but rather consisted of learning from peasant experiences and histories of struggle, as well as transforming extant forms of peasant resistance – such as, banditry – for building a radical anticolonial movement. Translation is an anticolonial practice that works on subaltern experiences and struggles. The Ghadar Party’s praxis of translating subaltern struggles into anticolonialism is demonstrative of how movements learn from and transform existing movements.

Zene, Cosimo. “Justice for the Excluded and Education for Democracy in B. R. Ambedkar and A. Gramsci.” Rethinking Marxism 30.4 (2018): 494–524. [Source]

Abstract: Building on the author’s previous works discussing Gramsci’s and Ambedkar’s political philosophies in favor of subalterns and Dalits as well as the concept of “spirituality” through which they affirm their full humanity, this essay explores their envisaged role of education in allowing the excluded to achieve participation in the democratic process. After discussing scholarship around education and Gramsci, the essay examines the same topic for Ambedkar, noting their commonalities, with the help of work from Padma Velaskar and Shaikaja Paik. After examining Dewey’s influence on Ambedkar’s ideas on education, the essay emphasizes the latter’s originality in adapting his teacher’s pragmatism to the Indian milieu and considers those authors who have explored a closeness between Gramsci and Dewey. The conclusion suggests a return to the practical educational philosophy of Gramsci and Ambedkar as still indispensable in the contemporary scenario for making democracy effective for all.

Armenian

None to report.

German

None to report.

Greek

...

Italian

See Gramsci Project > Bibliografia. News of Italian publications should be sent to Michele Filippini.

Japanese

forthcoming


Portuguese

....

Spanish

....

Thai

...

Turkish

Feyzullah Yilmaz has compiled a list of Turkish Gramsci publications at Neo-Gramsian Portal.

 



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